<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<?oxygen RNGSchema="http://digitalhumanities.unl.edu/resources/schemas/tei/TEIP5.3.0.0/tei_all.rng" type="xml"?>
<TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xml:id="ccda.works000036">
<teiHeader>
<fileDesc>
<titleStmt>
<title type="main">This Thing of Giving</title>
<author>Henry H. Rosenfelt</author>
<respStmt>
<resp>Transcription, Proofreading, and Encoding</resp>
<name xml:id="jmf">Duncan Rea Moore</name>
</respStmt>
</titleStmt>
<editionStmt>
<edition>
<date>2019</date>
</edition>
</editionStmt>
<publicationStmt>
<authority/>
<publisher>University of Nebraska-Lincoln</publisher>
<distributor>
<name>Center for Digital Research in the Humanities</name>
<address>
<addrLine>319 Love Library</addrLine>
<addrLine>University of Nebraska–Lincoln</addrLine>
<addrLine>Lincoln, NE 68588-4100</addrLine>
<addrLine>cdrh@unlnotes.unl.edu</addrLine>
</address>
</distributor>
<pubPlace>Lincoln, Nebraska</pubPlace>
<address>
<addrLine>University of Nebraska-Lincoln</addrLine>
<addrLine>Lincoln, NE 68588-4100</addrLine>
</address>
<idno/>
<availability>
<p/>
</availability>
</publicationStmt>
<notesStmt>
<note/>
</notesStmt>
<sourceDesc>
<bibl>
<author>Henry H. Rosenfelt</author>
<title level="a" type="main">This Thing of Giving</title>
<date>1924</date>
</bibl>
</sourceDesc>
</fileDesc>
</teiHeader>
<text>
<body>
<div1 type="story">
<note type="editorial">
<p>Out of the darkest darkness, This Thing of Giving by Henry H. Rosenfelt emerges. In the
shadow of the coming holocaust, Rosenfelt details the massive war relief and fundrasining
effort by American Jews in response to World War I.</p>
<p>As Rosenfelt points out, around 75 percent of Jewish people globally lived in countries that
were major battlegrounds of the war. Antisemitism was growing in Germany and Russia. The
Jewish people living in Europe were in a very dangerous situation and needed help. Rosenfelt
was part of a nationwide organization that raised around 63 million dollars to help, which was
a massive fortune. The number is even more impressive when calculated for inflation into how
much it would be worth today - nearing a billion dollars. </p>
<p>The horrible tragedy comes from the historical context. Rosenfelt frequently calls World War
I the greatest threat the Jewish people had ever faced. Rosenfelt is wrong. A little more than
a decade later Hitler’s Nazi Germany would come to power and comitt horrendous genodice
against the Jewish people and many other minorities in Europe. What came in World War II made
the first look small and forgotten. </p>
<p>But Rosenfelt’s book also serves as a reminder of what could be. How determined political
organizing and fundraising can actually force change. The relief society banded together to
engage a diverse community, Jews and non-Jews, to donate massive amounts of money. This book
proves that the American public can work to be a force for good in the world. It absolutely
hasn't always been that, especially when considering the lack of support for Jewish migration
to America during Hitler’s rise, but it has the potential for good. </p>
<p>That is why this is an important book to remember in this modern political climate. Just
recently President Trump moved to officially classify Judaism as a race and not a religion.
ICE terrorizes people throughout the nation. Those are only a few examples out of many. The
darkness is returning. Facisim stirs and it is ready to kill again. But at one point in time
captains of Industry, factory workers, and small time shopkeepers came together to help people
and welcome them to America. The end isn’t here, yet. America could still redeem itself. This
book gives some hints at how to do it. </p>
<p>Below are a few selected passages for This Thing of Giving that best summarize Rosenfelt’s
message.</p>
</note>
<head>Forword</head>
<p>IN telling the story of how sixty-three million dollars were raised in America to relieve the
war-stricken Jews of Europe and Palestine, I have not tried to write a history. For the reader
this means both a loss and a gain. He will miss the logical narrative, the suppression of
detail, and the concentration on a few important figures that the convention of history-writing
assures him. In history, as it is usually presented, the countless individuals who have played
a part in bringing about a mass-action are, for the sake of simplicity and art, forgotten. A
few leaders are allowed to enact in print the deeds of a whole population in reality, and bear
off the honors for them. Events are simplified to conform to a neat time-schedule, only the
more important appear, and they follow trimly one after another, so that the reader always
knows just where he is, although seldom have the participants in the events or their
contemporary observers had that good fortune. </p>
<p>In these pages, on the contrary, an effort will be made to give something of the actual
pressure and multiplicity of the events themselves. Sixty-three million dollars were not raised
by a few leaders, however important their services were, nor by a few big dramatic actions.
Thousands of men and women contributed their energy, time, brains, and money to this common
work. They must not be forgotten. The campaigns themselves were agonies of detail, overlapping,
conflicting, sometimes dramatic and often doggedly commonplace. But even the least of these
details had their place in reality and should have them in the record as far as possible. And
only by allowing the events to repeat themselves somewhat in their original confusion may I
hope to give the reader a faint echo of the rush of stirring times and noble deeds.</p>
<p>I feel I should apologize that at times either for lack of information or for fear of
overburdening the book, I have been compelled to omit mention of men and women who served, so
far as their capacities permitted, equally with a Jacob Schiff or a Julius Rosenwald. I have
also been compelled much to my regret to neglect detailing local efforts in hundreds of small
towns and villages which in their goodwill and greatness of heart deserved to rank with the
story of the millions contributed by our metropolitan cities.</p>
<p>In the preparation of this book, I have received enthusiastic assistance from many friends
whose helpful aid have illuminated many pages. My heartfelt gratitude goes to David N.
Mosessohn, Marvin Lowenthal, Harry Schneiderman, Bernard A. Bergman, Elmore Leffingwell, Louis
Popkin and Michael A. Stavitsky for their collaboration. </p>
<p><emph>The story of Jewry's greatest drama is before you. May there never be occasion to write
another like it.</emph></p>
<p>HENRY H. ROSENFELT.</p>
</div1>
<div1 type="story">
<note type="editorial">I chose this chapter as a good starting point. In addition to beginning
the book Rosenfelt also details the state of play in America and abroad before the relief
movement began. Every chapter also begins with a short synopsis from Rosenfelt. </note>
<head>Chapter I "The Coming Storm"</head>
<p>Outbreak of World War finds American Jews unprepared-Little realization of Jewish situation
in war zones-Three-quarters of the Jews of the world in belligerent countries-Majority inhabit
the vast battle grounds of the war-Threatened extinction of economic and spiritual life-Jews of
America equally unaware of their own potential resources-Palestine calls for help-The first
American response.</p>
<p>IN those dim fabulous days when special editions poured forth hourly their tale of
ultimatums, mobilizations, declarations of hostilities, and the fall of frontier fortresses,
when the German army was to take Paris in one month and the Russian steam-roller to flatten out
Germany in the next, when experts of all shades of expertness began to advise Americans on the
history and politics of Europe, when, in short, the Great War began, the general attitude of
American Jews toward their brothers in Europe was largely characterized by complacency. It was
the long-rooted complacency of America toward Europe.</p>
<p>The great mass of European Jews has been for decades a people to be pitied, but their plight
and problems were remote from American Jewish homes. If anything, they were looked upon as are
all unfortunates, a trifle askance. Some of the mire in which they were plunged was felt,
perhaps, to have clung to them. The immigrants from out this vast suffering unknown were, it is
true, helped liberally. These same immigrants, once established here, were generous in sending
assistance home. The Chalukah and National Fund boxes of Palestine were not totally strange to
American money. And the Yiddish press was fluent, too, in discussing conditions in the various
homelands. But the older generations of American Jews were untouched by these conditions and
ignorant of the problems which they created.</p>
<p>One has only to recall how little we realized at the outbreak of the war, what the conflict
would mean to the Jews of Europe, not only economically but spiritually spiritually and
nationally. The Kishineff massacres of 1903 and the All-Russian massacres two years later had
given us a foretaste of destruction; they had indeed, as was pointed out at the time by a
Jewish weekly, "made American provincialism impossible." And out of this premonitory calamity
had arisen the American Jewish Committee as the organized expression of American Jewish
responsibility in the fate of World Jewry. The Balkan War in 1912 enforced the lesson of
Kishineff, and drew from us what we thought, no doubt, were vast sums of relief-a million and a
half dollars. But even with these warnings, how few among us could imagine the misery and
horror that the Great War was to bring upon the Jews; and, even less, the responsibility and
duty that were to be placed on our shoulders?</p>
<p>We knew, or could have known, had we taken the trouble to blow the dust off our copy of the
American Jewish Year Book or the Jewish Encyclopedia, that three quarters of the Jews of the
world inhabited the countries at war; but how little we knew that most of these Jews lived in
what were to be the battlefields of the war and that the rest of them would be so burdened with
helping carry on that they could render their needy little or no help.</p>
<p>We knew that millions of Jews lived in a territory called the Pale of Settlement, but how
little we realized that this Pale, curving from the Baltic to the Black Sea, coincided with the
line of frontiers and therefore exposed its inhabitants to the maddest fury of the conflict. We
knew that two million Jews lived in Galicia but we could not foresee that its capital, Lemberg,
would be taken and retaken a half dozen times before it would be ceded finally to an
independent Poland. We knew that all these millions of Jews spoke Yiddish, that they
constituted in manners, religion and aspiration a separate people, and that they were hated by
the Russians and Poles and despised by the Germans; but we hardly realized that this
distinction and obloquy would make the belligerents on either side treat them as a common enemy
and double for them the horrors of war. </p>
<p>We could hardly realize that whereas other unfortunate peoples, such as the Belgians and the
Serbs had one enemy before them, these millions of Jews had two-the one in front and the other
behind. And we could as little realize that while other war sufferers would turn to their
fellow-nationals for aid and moral support, the Jews could turn to no one but their brothers,
far removed, in the West. We knew that the great masses of these Jews were small tradesmen and
desperately poor; but we could not realize that the cruelest blows of modern warfare are
reserved for these classes. We knew, finally, that the ravages of war would produce a need for
bread, housing and clothes for Jewish refugees and inhabitants of the war-zones; but we did not
know that the physical misery and destruction would be so great that the spiritual life of our
people-and its instruments, the synagogues, schools, press, books, stage and cultural
organizations-was to face extinction. </p>
<p>No doubt, specialists knew these things and some of our leaders were either keenly conscious
of them or rapidly learning; but the shop keepers of Kansas or the manufactors of New Jersey,
the plain American Jews, who were later to be organized into committees, crowded into
mass-meetings, sent up and down the aisles with baskets, and to be solicited again and again,
in their homes, behind their desks, and at theatre, golf-links and club-rooms-they were blandly
unaware. </p>
<p>We were no less ignorant of ourselves. The flare of sacrifice and of unity that Kishineff had
provoked was dying down. That it had not completely vanished and left the majority of American
Jews to their customary diversions and self-pursuits was partly due, no doubt, to the Beilis
affair. But in the Spring of 1914 it was beyond the power of imagination to conceive that in
the next few years the Jews of America would, independent of sharing the burdens of war and
assisting in general relief work, raise sixty-three million dollars for the Jewish sufferers of
Europe; and that in the task they would forget all differences and self-interest and give of
themselves, sometimes night and day months on end, and of their means, with a sense of
sacrifice and devotion that is the essence of true religion. </p>
<p>The first substantial blow to this innocence came from Palestine. Although not a shot had
been fired there, the war directly plunged the entire Jewish populace of the Holy Land into
helpless want. The 15,000 colonists were cut off at a blow from their market and from the
assistance of European Zionists or the ICA. The 60,000 “Chalukah” Jews were cut off with equal
promptness from their main source of income—the alms and subventions granted them by the pious
Jews of Eastern Europe. Less than a month after the outbreak of the war Henry Morgenthau, then
Ambassador to Turkey, cabled the American Jewish Committee that "the Jews of Palestine were
facing a terrible crisis" and that $50,000 were needed immediately. </p>
<p>Accordingly, at its meeting of August 31st, 1914, the Executive Committee of the American
Jewish Committee took the first steps for the relief of war-stricken Jews. Herman Bernstein,
then secretary of the Committee, relates how Jacob H. Schiff whispered to him as the members
took their places and the telegram from Turkey was read, that the appeal must be answered at
once and that he was prepared in case of delay, to give the entire sum himself. But there was
no delay. The $50,000 was advanced on the spot; $25,000 voted by the Committee, $12,500
subscribed by the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, and the
remaining $12,500 contributed by Mr. Schiff. The total sum was cabled immediately to Ambassador
Morgenthau, and he in turn appointed a committee of Palestinians who administered the fund
there under the direction of Maurice Wertheim of New York. </p>
<p>It was the first drop in the coming deluge.</p>
</div1>
<div1 type="story">
<note type="editorial"> In this chapter Rosenfelt describes the shift in the relief drive after
the war ended. To counteract the loss in fundraising morale, Rosenfelt leads the charge in
incorporating gentiles in the relief effort. This chapter is important because it shows a
surprising amount of fundraising coming from outside the Jewish community. </note>
<head>Chapter VIII "Launching the Non-Sectarian Drive"</head>
<p>Need for non-sectarian campaign-American generosity shows signs of exhaustion-Pestilence and
starvation increase abroad-Traditions restraining Jews must go-Hesitation and opposition to new
proposals-Risking a test in Delaware-Pierre du Pont sets an example-Magnificent achievement-The
new con querying slogan.</p>
<p>PEACE finally came and brought with it the most inspiring chapter in the entire history of
our work. Inspiring, not only because it brought millions of dollars to combat starvation and
pestilence among the Jews in Europe, but because it touched the deepest well-springs in the
history of Jewish service.</p>
<p>Up to this time, our appeals were directed exclusively to Jewish audiences. Many non-Jews, it
is true, had subscribed liberally, but this was as a rule without solicitation and in most
instances without even suggestion from our workers. We had been following the old tradition
that "The Jew takes care of his own." </p>
<p>But in spite of the tradition, the Jews of America could hardly hope alone to "take care of
three million of their brethren stricken in Europe-without aid from other sources. Two great
national drives had already been successfully held. Responses, while generous to the extreme,
were nevertheless inadequate to meet stupendous needs abroad. Heavy taxes, Liberty Bond drives,
the call of other relief agencies, had tended to impress a passive attitude upon the part of
even the most dependable of our previous subscribers.</p>
<p>The discovery of new sources of revenue became imperative-that the hunger of the starving
might be appleased, that the epidemics of typhus and tuberculosis now rampant abroad be stamped
out. </p>
<p>What was more natural than that we should address ourselves to the great body of American
citizenship without regard to race, without regard to creed?</p>
<p>So long as the war had continued, any humanitarian movement arising out of it secured with
little difficulty popular support; there was certain response to all patriotic endeavors. The
aroused civilian public, unable to enlist in active martial service, had welcomed fund-raising
campaigns with enthusiasm. City had vied with city and state with state. But now, with the
coming of peace, a reaction was inevitable.</p>
<p>The labors of the Peace Conference, the uncertainty of the industrial situation, the removal
of public pressure disintegrated the morale which had made earlier responses eager and
spontaneous. The public began to show that it was over-saturated with the multitude of
campaigns that continued to follow rapidly one upon another. The business man became less
inclined to contribute, and the leading citizens who had put their vigor, their personality and
their prestige behind the patriotic work, felt they were entitled to a respite, and turned back
to their own individual problems. Many illustrations of this condition could be given. A number
of national campaigns failed of their quotas. Even such a popular organization as the Salvation
Army had to exert the most vigorous systematic pressure to reach its goal. Unmistakable hints
of this condition were descending upon our office continually. </p>
<p>Yet in the face of the growing apathy we were confronted by an unparalleled, an inconceivable
increase of the distress abroad. </p>
<p>It is impossible for me to portray what the lifting of the censor's veil now revealed to us.
We saw our brothers and sisters and our stricken Jewish little ones in Poland, Galicia,
Lithuania, and elsewhere, perishing of starvation and disease. During the war, shipments of
food and clothing to non-combatants were very limited; but now we were permitted to send
life-sustaining cargoes. We must press the most strenuous efforts to strengthen our activities
and expand our resources.</p>
<p>It was obvious, in view of the changed situation, that we could not longer hope to raise
funds by the methods that had served in the past. A thorough examination of the plan adopted by
other national movements such as the Red Cross, the United War Work and the Near East
Relief-convinced us that we must adopt a scientific and systematic technique.</p>
<p>It was some months before the actual coming of peace that we realized the condition which was
approaching us, and first proposed a campaign on a non-sectarian American basis. At the outset,
any consideration of a non-sectarian plan was opposed by many leaders in New York and
elsewhere. One midnight I was awakened at my home by a long distance telephone call from a
prominent member of the Committee, then in Pittsburgh to speak at the opening of the campaign.
In no uncertain language he registered a vigorous protest against the appeal which, to use his
own words, was “predicated upon false pretenses." Others wrote, or telegraphed, pointing out
that we were doing an unprecedented and an unwise thing in going beyond our own people for
help. They were sure that our non-sectarian appeal would even arouse resentment against the
Jews through its proposal to add to the already oppresssive burdens under which the general
community was staggering. Numerous, varied and insistent were the protests-and every argument
was weighed. But I was not convinced. Always before me was the picture of our starving
millions-millions in utter desolation pleading to America. How dare we turn from this greatest
of tragedies? For common humanity's sake we must cut away from the old traditions, from the
futile traditions. In my heart I was sure of my countrymen. American citizenship would
not-could not-turn its back upon the stricken Jew. </p>
<p>And, ultimately, we decided to experiment. Our initial venture was in the City of Wilmington,
Delaware. In April, 1918, I had my first conference with David Snellenburg, one of Delaware's
leading Jews, the friend and coworker in his community of both Jews and Gentiles in every
movement for human uplift and civic betterment. He agreed to sponsor our initial and tentative
non-sectarian appeal. And the first thing he did was to enlist the help of Pierre du Pont.</p>
<p>We fixed our goal at seventy-five thousand dollars an amount immensely beyond any possibility
of attainment by a response restricted to sectarian sources. The experiment was crucial, for
upon the success or failure of Wilmington depended our future National policy, and indeed, as I
realized, the very lives of hundreds of thousands.If our plans prospered they lived; if our
hopes were defeated they died.</p>
<p>The opening dinner took place Saturday, May 10, 1918. David Snellenberg presided. Julius
Rosenwald, in spite of arduous duties in Washington as Chairman of the National Defense
Council, accepted an invitation to attend. Dr. Nathan Krass, our dependable orator, had come to
make the appeal for funds. Other acceptances included Pierre du Pont, Irenee du Pont, Lamot du
Pont, A. Felix du Pont, R. R. M. Carpenter, John J. Raskob, and other outstanding men of
Wilmingtonton. The first speaker at the dinner was United States Senator Willard Saulsbury, and
in his inspiring address he told of the support the Jews of Wilmington had given to the Red
Cross and every other patriotic call that had been made. Dr. Krass who followed, struck the
key-note when he declared:</p>
<p>This is not merely a Jewish movement, it is a human movement … The quota for Wilmington has
been set at $75,000," continued the speaker, "It is now nine o'clock and my train for New York
leaves at eleven, and before that time I earnestly hope the full amount will be
subscribed.”</p>
<p>Pierre du Pont impulsively arose. “Mr. Snellenburg," he said, "has alluded to me as somewhat
of an outsider, but I think I am as much entitled to be here as he is. I have a special reason
for being here. I have one-eighth of Jewish blood in me-my grandfather having been a Jew-and I
consider it my special duty, not merely privilege to join in the raising of these funds." The
Mr. du Pont turned to Dr. Krass whom he had so gratifyingly interrupted, saying: "Dr. Krass, we
would like to listen to your eloquence long after your train is due to leave, but,
nevertheless, if you must go, let me assure you that Wilmington will raise—at least—the
scheduled $75,000, for I will myself underwrite the campaign to that amount!"</p>
<p>Guests and workers cheered in spontaneous enthusiasm. Julius Rosenwald, visibly touched by
the scene, expressed gratitude to Mr. du Pont, and voiced his confidence that the Jewish
community, inspired by what had happened, would do their full share. Among those who attended
this epoch-making dinner were: William Coyne, Mayor John W. Lawson, Louis Topkis, Rev. Charles
L. Candee, John S. Rossell, Rev. Thomas P. Holloway, Joseph Bancroft, David T. Marvel, Charles
Topkis, William Topkis, Morris Levy, William P. Bancroft, and Mathew Lalley, the campaign's
resourceful director. At a mass meeting on the following Monday, Max D. Steuer and Mr.
Rosenwald made impressive addresses. Thousands of volunteer subscriptions poured into
Headquarters. Many doubled their initial subscriptions. </p>
<p>"The very air of Wilmington," said one of the city's newspapers, "is charged with a spirit of
all-for-one. Wilmington feels exhilarated in the awakening of its civic solidarity, its unity
and mutual appreciation. The Jews have learned to know their Gentile neighbors as they really
are. Every man came forward quickly to do his share. True human values have been brought to
light, binding and cementing men of all creeds and all circumstances in the service of a noble
cause. Wilmington will never forget the deep and lasting inspiring event—the event of its
history."</p>
<p>"I have caught a new vision," said Rev. Charles L. Candee, pastor of one of the leading
churches of Wilmington. "I have caught a vision that I could not see several years ago; a
vision of united effort obliterating racial and religious lines. Last year, when Dr. John R.
Mott was in Wilmington after delivering an address before a group of citizens in behalf of the
Young Men's Christian Association work, he received his first contribution, and it was very
substantial, from no other man than David Snellenburg, which is but one of the many evidences
of the generosity of our Jewish citizens, and the earnestness with which they enter upon works
of charity."</p>
<p>Rev. Thomas P. Holloway stated: "No matter how much we give, we will not half reward the
Jewish race for what they have given us." The Sunday Star declared editorially: "The dinner at
the Hotel du Pont was a wonderful exposition of that new spirit of unanimity and brotherhood
that permeates our country."</p>
<p>On his return to New York, Dr. Nathan Krass wrote a letter to David Snellenburg in which he
said: "I shall always remember the Wilmington meeting. Never was there such a gathering of
representative Gentiles at a Jewish function-and such splendid liberality!"</p>
<p>Among the many inspiring features of the Wilmington Campaign was the publication of a
full-page advertisement over the signatures of William Coyne, Pierre S. du Pont, John J. Raskob
and John S. Rossell. The statement bore the headline-"All-For-One And One-For-All!" It was
addressed: "To Our Non-Jewish Fellow Citizens," and this was the message: "Participation in
every humane cause without religious distinction is traditional among Delawareans, and theirs
is a long record of splendid helpfulness in every movement for good. There is, therefore,
presented to us another magnificent opportunity to exercise that which has become a habit with
us. This time, however, there is added incentive for prompt and generots action of the highest
call of humanity. It is this spirit in concert with the broad movement of mutual toleration and
good will among all the people of the land that leads us to seek the assistance of all
Delawareans." </p>
<p>The day before the Wilmington campaign closed. Julius Rosenwald wired from Washington: "Few
cities have demonstrated the American spirit in the sense that we are one people, as has
Wilmington. May I presume to express the hope that every Jew in Delaware will recognize his
obligation for the spirit of fellowship which has been so nobly evidenced by Christian
fellow-citizens. If Wilmington succeeds in raising $100,000, it will be the greatest
achievement of the entire Jewish war relief campaigns." Every day, for over a week, Mr.
Rosenwald write expressions of appreciation to the chairman. Let me quote from one: "I have run
out of adjectives, and will therefore not attempt to say how I feel towards the generous
citizens of Wilmington. This campaign is an event in Jewish history, and the spirit manifested
is one of the finest experiences in my life, if not the finest." </p>
<p>Wilmington newspapers gave most liberally of their valuable space to make the campaign a
success. Both Catholic and Protestant Episcopal bishops bestowed upon it an impressive
indorsement. During the drive, meetings were continuously held and among the working daily
attendants was John J. Raskob, the du Pont Company's treasurer, mailing on each occasion
anonymous contributions of hundreds of dollars to stimulate the teams in their efforts. At one
of the meetings Mr. Irenee du Pont quietly slipped a check for $1,000 into the hands of an
inconspicuous worker.</p>
<p>The grand total at the close of the campaign was announced as $148,000.</p>
<p>Jews and non-Jews were interpreting humanity and Americanism as a personal, spiritual
obligation. The mammoth collection was a symbol. Intrinsically splendid—but still, only a
manifestation of what infinitely transcended.</p>
<p>The brilliant success in Wilmington had its effect upon Jewry throughout the country. The
cause that had seemed so hopeless, quickened with confidence and energy. Telegrams and letters,
heralding the Wilmington marvel, were rushed to all pivotal points. We swept the country with
our new conquering slogan: </p>
<p>This Is Not Only a Jewish Movement—It Is a Human Movement!</p>
</div1>
<div1 type="story">
<note type="editorial"> This is the last chapter in the book. Rosenfelt ends on a very
optimistic note. This passage also displays the Zionist ideas also detailed in this book. It is
probably important to note that Rosenfelt never mentions the non-Jewish people living in
Palestine, which becomes a much larger issue in the coming decades. </note>
<head>Chapter XXVIII "The Triumph of Faith"</head>
<p>A word of summary and conclusion-The unity and charity of Israel-The touch of common danger
made all kin-Faith casts the balance.</p>
<p>AND so sixty-three million dollars were raised for the relief of the Jews of Central Europe
and Palestine. To obtain this colossal sum from America's treasury of generosity; to devise the
proper machinery which would economically gather this sum; to maintain checks and balances,
assuring efficiency and integrity; to manage, control and direct a nationwide organization
capable of functioning in fifteen hundred communities throughout the United States and Canada
day in and day out for eight years and more; to supply our nine hundred thousand contributors
in the three great campaigns with proper publicity and inspirational messages; to follow up
collections everywhere, in order to minimize depreciations-all these things were a man's job.
To this service our men and women have given the most steadfast courage and ripe intelligence.
Whole-hearted co-operation has been given not by hundreds, but by thousands, and it was a
service that in turn has evoked devotion, kindliness and tenderness in the men and women of
America. The soul of Judaism received a grievous wound in Poland and the Ukraine, but it was
the splendid men and women of America who staunched the flow sustaining and leading our
stricken people to greater strength and greater life.</p>
<p>We of the Relief have been proud of the privilege to aid in the creation of the vehicle which
has effected this new spiritual cohesion. In unceasing difficulties our work has gone on until
the task has been accomplished. There have always stood behind us America's great leaders
supporting every step in the advance of our sacred cause. Our task and theirs has been to
restore the body and spirit of the Jewish people, in the devastated areas. There continually
recurs in my mind the picture of long lines of expectant chattering mites, receiving their
daily bowl of thin, watery milk-without thought that even this inadequate nourishment must be
supported by a slender chain of finance, the links of which are being continually forged in the
villages, towns and cities of America. But thank God the chain held, and with increasing
strength every day. And now if out of the welter of blood and misery in Europe happiness will
someday come once more to the Jewish people, it will be chiefly because of the faithfulness and
devotion of the men and women of America.</p>
<p>The ancient heart of Israel still beats as one. From Morningside Heights to the Mount of
Olives and from Canal Street to the uppermost corners of Russia, it extends the arms of eternal
brotherhood. Democracy itself is exalted by the magnificent response of the Jews of America. Of
historic value and spiritual significance beyond all other organized efforts to staunch the
bleeding wounds inflicted by the war, it has given humanity a shining lesson. </p>
<p>During the last New York campaign, many of these Jews walked across the Williamsburg Bridge,
whipped by the icy wind in order that five cents more might be added to the fund. A number of
the poor on the East Side took the money they had saved to buy coal and turned it over to be
used among those whose needs were even greater than their own. Small wonder that tears welled
in the eyes of Nathan J. Miller on one occasion, as he observed such masterpieces of
self-sacrifice! </p>
<p>Organized Jewish labor made itself the peer of the great millionaires by giving through the
Peoples Relief Committee the major portions of their pay envelopes. Newsboys and messenger boys
cheerfully added their meagre earnings to swell the total.</p>
<p>Such has been the response of the poorest Jews to suffering, which, as A. E. Rothstein,
Associate Secretary of the American Jewish Relief Committee said "touches the deepest recesses
of the soul." </p>
<p>The touch of common danger made all kin. In the pools of war-blood all Jewish hyphens have
been washed away. Jews today are closer together than ever before. Louis Marshall and Judge
Horace Stern are espousing a Jewish agency for Palestine. Samuel Untermyer is plead in the
cause of Zionism. These examples could be repeated a thousandfold.</p>
<p>We are no longer orthodox and reform, conservative and radical-all are becoming united, bound
together by that ancient formula-"I am a Jew!" And for this we owe our brethren across the sea,
an eternal obligation which outweighs our help to them, as fidelity to faith, casts the scales
of Israel against even the gold of unselfish charity. </p>
</div1>
</body>
</text>
</TEI>
