This Thing of Giving

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    <title type="main">This Thing of Giving</title>
    <author>Henry H. Rosenfelt</author>
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     <author>Henry H. Rosenfelt</author>
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     <date>1924</date>
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   <div1 type="story">
    <note type="editorial">
     <p>Out of the darkest darkness, This Thing of Giving by Henry H. Rosenfelt emerges. In the
      shadow of the coming holocaust, Rosenfelt details the massive war relief and fundrasining
      effort by American Jews in response to World War I.</p>
     <p>As Rosenfelt points out, around 75 percent of Jewish people globally lived in countries that
      were major battlegrounds of the war. Antisemitism was growing in Germany and Russia. The
      Jewish people living in Europe were in a very dangerous situation and needed help. Rosenfelt
      was part of a nationwide organization that raised around 63 million dollars to help, which was
      a massive fortune. The number is even more impressive when calculated for inflation into how
      much it would be worth today - nearing a billion dollars. </p>
     <p>The horrible tragedy comes from the historical context. Rosenfelt frequently calls World War
      I the greatest threat the Jewish people had ever faced. Rosenfelt is wrong. A little more than
      a decade later Hitler’s Nazi Germany would come to power and comitt horrendous genodice
      against the Jewish people and many other minorities in Europe. What came in World War II made
      the first look small and forgotten. </p>
     <p>But Rosenfelt’s book also serves as a reminder of what could be. How determined political
      organizing and fundraising can actually force change. The relief society banded together to
      engage a diverse community, Jews and non-Jews, to donate massive amounts of money. This book
      proves that the American public can work to be a force for good in the world. It absolutely
      hasn't always been that, especially when considering the lack of support for Jewish migration
      to America during Hitler’s rise, but it has the potential for good. </p>
     <p>That is why this is an important book to remember in this modern political climate. Just
      recently President Trump moved to officially classify Judaism as a race and not a religion.
      ICE terrorizes people throughout the nation. Those are only a few examples out of many. The
      darkness is returning. Facisim stirs and it is ready to kill again. But at one point in time
      captains of Industry, factory workers, and small time shopkeepers came together to help people
      and welcome them to America. The end isn’t here, yet. America could still redeem itself. This
      book gives some hints at how to do it. </p>
     <p>Below are a few selected passages for This Thing of Giving that best summarize Rosenfelt’s
      message.</p>
    </note>
    <head>Forword</head>
    <p>IN telling the story of how sixty-three million dollars were raised in America to relieve the
     war-stricken Jews of Europe and Palestine, I have not tried to write a history. For the reader
     this means both a loss and a gain. He will miss the logical narrative, the suppression of
     detail, and the concentration on a few important figures that the convention of history-writing
     assures him. In history, as it is usually presented, the countless individuals who have played
     a part in bringing about a mass-action are, for the sake of simplicity and art, forgotten. A
     few leaders are allowed to enact in print the deeds of a whole population in reality, and bear
     off the honors for them. Events are simplified to conform to a neat time-schedule, only the
     more important appear, and they follow trimly one after another, so that the reader always
     knows just where he is, although seldom have the participants in the events or their
     contemporary observers had that good fortune. </p>
    <p>In these pages, on the contrary, an effort will be made to give something of the actual
     pressure and multiplicity of the events themselves. Sixty-three million dollars were not raised
     by a few leaders, however important their services were, nor by a few big dramatic actions.
     Thousands of men and women contributed their energy, time, brains, and money to this common
     work. They must not be forgotten. The campaigns themselves were agonies of detail, overlapping,
     conflicting, sometimes dramatic and often doggedly commonplace. But even the least of these
     details had their place in reality and should have them in the record as far as possible. And
     only by allowing the events to repeat themselves somewhat in their original confusion may I
     hope to give the reader a faint echo of the rush of stirring times and noble deeds.</p>
    <p>I feel I should apologize that at times either for lack of information or for fear of
     overburdening the book, I have been compelled to omit mention of men and women who served, so
     far as their capacities permitted, equally with a Jacob Schiff or a Julius Rosenwald. I have
     also been compelled much to my regret to neglect detailing local efforts in hundreds of small
     towns and villages which in their goodwill and greatness of heart deserved to rank with the
     story of the millions contributed by our metropolitan cities.</p>
    <p>In the preparation of this book, I have received enthusiastic assistance from many friends
     whose helpful aid have illuminated many pages. My heartfelt gratitude goes to David N.
     Mosessohn, Marvin Lowenthal, Harry Schneiderman, Bernard A. Bergman, Elmore Leffingwell, Louis
     Popkin and Michael A. Stavitsky for their collaboration. </p>
    <p><emph>The story of Jewry's greatest drama is before you. May there never be occasion to write
      another like it.</emph></p>
    <p>HENRY H. ROSENFELT.</p>
   </div1>






   <div1 type="story">
    <note type="editorial">I chose this chapter as a good starting point. In addition to beginning
     the book Rosenfelt also details the state of play in America and abroad before the relief
     movement began. Every chapter also begins with a short synopsis from Rosenfelt. </note>
    <head>Chapter I "The Coming Storm"</head>
    <p>Outbreak of World War finds American Jews unprepared-Little realization of Jewish situation
     in war zones-Three-quarters of the Jews of the world in belligerent countries-Majority inhabit
     the vast battle grounds of the war-Threatened extinction of economic and spiritual life-Jews of
     America equally unaware of their own potential resources-Palestine calls for help-The first
     American response.</p>
    <p>IN those dim fabulous days when special editions poured forth hourly their tale of
     ultimatums, mobilizations, declarations of hostilities, and the fall of frontier fortresses,
     when the German army was to take Paris in one month and the Russian steam-roller to flatten out
     Germany in the next, when experts of all shades of expertness began to advise Americans on the
     history and politics of Europe, when, in short, the Great War began, the general attitude of
     American Jews toward their brothers in Europe was largely characterized by complacency. It was
     the long-rooted complacency of America toward Europe.</p>
    <p>The great mass of European Jews has been for decades a people to be pitied, but their plight
     and problems were remote from American Jewish homes. If anything, they were looked upon as are
     all unfortunates, a trifle askance. Some of the mire in which they were plunged was felt,
     perhaps, to have clung to them. The immigrants from out this vast suffering unknown were, it is
     true, helped liberally. These same immigrants, once established here, were generous in sending
     assistance home. The Chalukah and National Fund boxes of Palestine were not totally strange to
     American money. And the Yiddish press was fluent, too, in discussing conditions in the various
     homelands. But the older generations of American Jews were untouched by these conditions and
     ignorant of the problems which they created.</p>
    <p>One has only to recall how little we realized at the outbreak of the war, what the conflict
     would mean to the Jews of Europe, not only economically but spiritually spiritually and
     nationally. The Kishineff massacres of 1903 and the All-Russian massacres two years later had
     given us a foretaste of destruction; they had indeed, as was pointed out at the time by a
     Jewish weekly, "made American provincialism impossible." And out of this premonitory calamity
     had arisen the American Jewish Committee as the organized expression of American Jewish
     responsibility in the fate of World Jewry. The Balkan War in 1912 enforced the lesson of
     Kishineff, and drew from us what we thought, no doubt, were vast sums of relief-a million and a
     half dollars. But even with these warnings, how few among us could imagine the misery and
     horror that the Great War was to bring upon the Jews; and, even less, the responsibility and
     duty that were to be placed on our shoulders?</p>
    <p>We knew, or could have known, had we taken the trouble to blow the dust off our copy of the
     American Jewish Year Book or the Jewish Encyclopedia, that three quarters of the Jews of the
     world inhabited the countries at war; but how little we knew that most of these Jews lived in
     what were to be the battlefields of the war and that the rest of them would be so burdened with
     helping carry on that they could render their needy little or no help.</p>
    <p>We knew that millions of Jews lived in a territory called the Pale of Settlement, but how
     little we realized that this Pale, curving from the Baltic to the Black Sea, coincided with the
     line of frontiers and therefore exposed its inhabitants to the maddest fury of the conflict. We
     knew that two million Jews lived in Galicia but we could not foresee that its capital, Lemberg,
     would be taken and retaken a half dozen times before it would be ceded finally to an
     independent Poland. We knew that all these millions of Jews spoke Yiddish, that they
     constituted in manners, religion and aspiration a separate people, and that they were hated by
     the Russians and Poles and despised by the Germans; but we hardly realized that this
     distinction and obloquy would make the belligerents on either side treat them as a common enemy
     and double for them the horrors of war. </p>
    <p>We could hardly realize that whereas other unfortunate peoples, such as the Belgians and the
     Serbs had one enemy before them, these millions of Jews had two-the one in front and the other
     behind. And we could as little realize that while other war sufferers would turn to their
     fellow-nationals for aid and moral support, the Jews could turn to no one but their brothers,
     far removed, in the West. We knew that the great masses of these Jews were small tradesmen and
     desperately poor; but we could not realize that the cruelest blows of modern warfare are
     reserved for these classes. We knew, finally, that the ravages of war would produce a need for
     bread, housing and clothes for Jewish refugees and inhabitants of the war-zones; but we did not
     know that the physical misery and destruction would be so great that the spiritual life of our
     people-and its instruments, the synagogues, schools, press, books, stage and cultural
     organizations-was to face extinction. </p>
    <p>No doubt, specialists knew these things and some of our leaders were either keenly conscious
     of them or rapidly learning; but the shop keepers of Kansas or the manufactors of New Jersey,
     the plain American Jews, who were later to be organized into committees, crowded into
     mass-meetings, sent up and down the aisles with baskets, and to be solicited again and again,
     in their homes, behind their desks, and at theatre, golf-links and club-rooms-they were blandly
     unaware. </p>
    <p>We were no less ignorant of ourselves. The flare of sacrifice and of unity that Kishineff had
     provoked was dying down. That it had not completely vanished and left the majority of American
     Jews to their customary diversions and self-pursuits was partly due, no doubt, to the Beilis
     affair. But in the Spring of 1914 it was beyond the power of imagination to conceive that in
     the next few years the Jews of America would, independent of sharing the burdens of war and
     assisting in general relief work, raise sixty-three million dollars for the Jewish sufferers of
     Europe; and that in the task they would forget all differences and self-interest and give of
     themselves, sometimes night and day months on end, and of their means, with a sense of
     sacrifice and devotion that is the essence of true religion. </p>
    <p>The first substantial blow to this innocence came from Palestine. Although not a shot had
     been fired there, the war directly plunged the entire Jewish populace of the Holy Land into
     helpless want. The 15,000 colonists were cut off at a blow from their market and from the
     assistance of European Zionists or the ICA. The 60,000 “Chalukah” Jews were cut off with equal
     promptness from their main source of income—the alms and subventions granted them by the pious
     Jews of Eastern Europe. Less than a month after the outbreak of the war Henry Morgenthau, then
     Ambassador to Turkey, cabled the American Jewish Committee that "the Jews of Palestine were
     facing a terrible crisis" and that $50,000 were needed immediately. </p>
    <p>Accordingly, at its meeting of August 31st, 1914, the Executive Committee of the American
     Jewish Committee took the first steps for the relief of war-stricken Jews. Herman Bernstein,
     then secretary of the Committee, relates how Jacob H. Schiff whispered to him as the members
     took their places and the telegram from Turkey was read, that the appeal must be answered at
     once and that he was prepared in case of delay, to give the entire sum himself. But there was
     no delay. The $50,000 was advanced on the spot; $25,000 voted by the Committee, $12,500
     subscribed by the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, and the
     remaining $12,500 contributed by Mr. Schiff. The total sum was cabled immediately to Ambassador
     Morgenthau, and he in turn appointed a committee of Palestinians who administered the fund
     there under the direction of Maurice Wertheim of New York. </p>
    <p>It was the first drop in the coming deluge.</p>
   </div1>






   <div1 type="story">
    <note type="editorial"> In this chapter Rosenfelt describes the shift in the relief drive after
     the war ended. To counteract the loss in fundraising morale, Rosenfelt leads the charge in
     incorporating gentiles in the relief effort. This chapter is important because it shows a
     surprising amount of fundraising coming from outside the Jewish community. </note>
    <head>Chapter VIII "Launching the Non-Sectarian Drive"</head>
    <p>Need for non-sectarian campaign-American generosity shows signs of exhaustion-Pestilence and
     starvation increase abroad-Traditions restraining Jews must go-Hesitation and opposition to new
     proposals-Risking a test in Delaware-Pierre du Pont sets an example-Magnificent achievement-The
     new con querying slogan.</p>
    <p>PEACE finally came and brought with it the most inspiring chapter in the entire history of
     our work. Inspiring, not only because it brought millions of dollars to combat starvation and
     pestilence among the Jews in Europe, but because it touched the deepest well-springs in the
     history of Jewish service.</p>
    <p>Up to this time, our appeals were directed exclusively to Jewish audiences. Many non-Jews, it
     is true, had subscribed liberally, but this was as a rule without solicitation and in most
     instances without even suggestion from our workers. We had been following the old tradition
     that "The Jew takes care of his own." </p>
    <p>But in spite of the tradition, the Jews of America could hardly hope alone to "take care of
     three million of their brethren stricken in Europe-without aid from other sources. Two great
     national drives had already been successfully held. Responses, while generous to the extreme,
     were nevertheless inadequate to meet stupendous needs abroad. Heavy taxes, Liberty Bond drives,
     the call of other relief agencies, had tended to impress a passive attitude upon the part of
     even the most dependable of our previous subscribers.</p>
    <p>The discovery of new sources of revenue became imperative-that the hunger of the starving
     might be appleased, that the epidemics of typhus and tuberculosis now rampant abroad be stamped
     out. </p>
    <p>What was more natural than that we should address ourselves to the great body of American
     citizenship without regard to race, without regard to creed?</p>
    <p>So long as the war had continued, any humanitarian movement arising out of it secured with
     little difficulty popular support; there was certain response to all patriotic endeavors. The
     aroused civilian public, unable to enlist in active martial service, had welcomed fund-raising
     campaigns with enthusiasm. City had vied with city and state with state. But now, with the
     coming of peace, a reaction was inevitable.</p>
    <p>The labors of the Peace Conference, the uncertainty of the industrial situation, the removal
     of public pressure disintegrated the morale which had made earlier responses eager and
     spontaneous. The public began to show that it was over-saturated with the multitude of
     campaigns that continued to follow rapidly one upon another. The business man became less
     inclined to contribute, and the leading citizens who had put their vigor, their personality and
     their prestige behind the patriotic work, felt they were entitled to a respite, and turned back
     to their own individual problems. Many illustrations of this condition could be given. A number
     of national campaigns failed of their quotas. Even such a popular organization as the Salvation
     Army had to exert the most vigorous systematic pressure to reach its goal. Unmistakable hints
     of this condition were descending upon our office continually. </p>
    <p>Yet in the face of the growing apathy we were confronted by an unparalleled, an inconceivable
     increase of the distress abroad. </p>
    <p>It is impossible for me to portray what the lifting of the censor's veil now revealed to us.
     We saw our brothers and sisters and our stricken Jewish little ones in Poland, Galicia,
     Lithuania, and elsewhere, perishing of starvation and disease. During the war, shipments of
     food and clothing to non-combatants were very limited; but now we were permitted to send
     life-sustaining cargoes. We must press the most strenuous efforts to strengthen our activities
     and expand our resources.</p>
    <p>It was obvious, in view of the changed situation, that we could not longer hope to raise
     funds by the methods that had served in the past. A thorough examination of the plan adopted by
     other national movements such as the Red Cross, the United War Work and the Near East
     Relief-convinced us that we must adopt a scientific and systematic technique.</p>
    <p>It was some months before the actual coming of peace that we realized the condition which was
     approaching us, and first proposed a campaign on a non-sectarian American basis. At the outset,
     any consideration of a non-sectarian plan was opposed by many leaders in New York and
     elsewhere. One midnight I was awakened at my home by a long distance telephone call from a
     prominent member of the Committee, then in Pittsburgh to speak at the opening of the campaign.
     In no uncertain language he registered a vigorous protest against the appeal which, to use his
     own words, was “predicated upon false pretenses." Others wrote, or telegraphed, pointing out
     that we were doing an unprecedented and an unwise thing in going beyond our own people for
     help. They were sure that our non-sectarian appeal would even arouse resentment against the
     Jews through its proposal to add to the already oppresssive burdens under which the general
     community was staggering. Numerous, varied and insistent were the protests-and every argument
     was weighed. But I was not convinced. Always before me was the picture of our starving
     millions-millions in utter desolation pleading to America. How dare we turn from this greatest
     of tragedies? For common humanity's sake we must cut away from the old traditions, from the
     futile traditions. In my heart I was sure of my countrymen. American citizenship would
     not-could not-turn its back upon the stricken Jew. </p>
    <p>And, ultimately, we decided to experiment. Our initial venture was in the City of Wilmington,
     Delaware. In April, 1918, I had my first conference with David Snellenburg, one of Delaware's
     leading Jews, the friend and coworker in his community of both Jews and Gentiles in every
     movement for human uplift and civic betterment. He agreed to sponsor our initial and tentative
     non-sectarian appeal. And the first thing he did was to enlist the help of Pierre du Pont.</p>
    <p>We fixed our goal at seventy-five thousand dollars an amount immensely beyond any possibility
     of attainment by a response restricted to sectarian sources. The experiment was crucial, for
     upon the success or failure of Wilmington depended our future National policy, and indeed, as I
     realized, the very lives of hundreds of thousands.If our plans prospered they lived; if our
     hopes were defeated they died.</p>
    <p>The opening dinner took place Saturday, May 10, 1918. David Snellenberg presided. Julius
     Rosenwald, in spite of arduous duties in Washington as Chairman of the National Defense
     Council, accepted an invitation to attend. Dr. Nathan Krass, our dependable orator, had come to
     make the appeal for funds. Other acceptances included Pierre du Pont, Irenee du Pont, Lamot du
     Pont, A. Felix du Pont, R. R. M. Carpenter, John J. Raskob, and other outstanding men of
     Wilmingtonton. The first speaker at the dinner was United States Senator Willard Saulsbury, and
     in his inspiring address he told of the support the Jews of Wilmington had given to the Red
     Cross and every other patriotic call that had been made. Dr. Krass who followed, struck the
     key-note when he declared:</p>
    <p>This is not merely a Jewish movement, it is a human movement … The quota for Wilmington has
     been set at $75,000," continued the speaker, "It is now nine o'clock and my train for New York
     leaves at eleven, and before that time I earnestly hope the full amount will be
     subscribed.”</p>
    <p>Pierre du Pont impulsively arose. “Mr. Snellenburg," he said, "has alluded to me as somewhat
     of an outsider, but I think I am as much entitled to be here as he is. I have a special reason
     for being here. I have one-eighth of Jewish blood in me-my grandfather having been a Jew-and I
     consider it my special duty, not merely privilege to join in the raising of these funds." The
     Mr. du Pont turned to Dr. Krass whom he had so gratifyingly interrupted, saying: "Dr. Krass, we
     would like to listen to your eloquence long after your train is due to leave, but,
     nevertheless, if you must go, let me assure you that Wilmington will raise—at least—the
     scheduled $75,000, for I will myself underwrite the campaign to that amount!"</p>
    <p>Guests and workers cheered in spontaneous enthusiasm. Julius Rosenwald, visibly touched by
     the scene, expressed gratitude to Mr. du Pont, and voiced his confidence that the Jewish
     community, inspired by what had happened, would do their full share. Among those who attended
     this epoch-making dinner were: William Coyne, Mayor John W. Lawson, Louis Topkis, Rev. Charles
     L. Candee, John S. Rossell, Rev. Thomas P. Holloway, Joseph Bancroft, David T. Marvel, Charles
     Topkis, William Topkis, Morris Levy, William P. Bancroft, and Mathew Lalley, the campaign's
     resourceful director. At a mass meeting on the following Monday, Max D. Steuer and Mr.
     Rosenwald made impressive addresses. Thousands of volunteer subscriptions poured into
     Headquarters. Many doubled their initial subscriptions. </p>
    <p>"The very air of Wilmington," said one of the city's newspapers, "is charged with a spirit of
     all-for-one. Wilmington feels exhilarated in the awakening of its civic solidarity, its unity
     and mutual appreciation. The Jews have learned to know their Gentile neighbors as they really
     are. Every man came forward quickly to do his share. True human values have been brought to
     light, binding and cementing men of all creeds and all circumstances in the service of a noble
     cause. Wilmington will never forget the deep and lasting inspiring event—the event of its
     history."</p>
    <p>"I have caught a new vision," said Rev. Charles L. Candee, pastor of one of the leading
     churches of Wilmington. "I have caught a vision that I could not see several years ago; a
     vision of united effort obliterating racial and religious lines. Last year, when Dr. John R.
     Mott was in Wilmington after delivering an address before a group of citizens in behalf of the
     Young Men's Christian Association work, he received his first contribution, and it was very
     substantial, from no other man than David Snellenburg, which is but one of the many evidences
     of the generosity of our Jewish citizens, and the earnestness with which they enter upon works
     of charity."</p>
    <p>Rev. Thomas P. Holloway stated: "No matter how much we give, we will not half reward the
     Jewish race for what they have given us." The Sunday Star declared editorially: "The dinner at
     the Hotel du Pont was a wonderful exposition of that new spirit of unanimity and brotherhood
     that permeates our country."</p>
    <p>On his return to New York, Dr. Nathan Krass wrote a letter to David Snellenburg in which he
     said: "I shall always remember the Wilmington meeting. Never was there such a gathering of
     representative Gentiles at a Jewish function-and such splendid liberality!"</p>
    <p>Among the many inspiring features of the Wilmington Campaign was the publication of a
     full-page advertisement over the signatures of William Coyne, Pierre S. du Pont, John J. Raskob
     and John S. Rossell. The statement bore the headline-"All-For-One And One-For-All!" It was
     addressed: "To Our Non-Jewish Fellow Citizens," and this was the message: "Participation in
     every humane cause without religious distinction is traditional among Delawareans, and theirs
     is a long record of splendid helpfulness in every movement for good. There is, therefore,
     presented to us another magnificent opportunity to exercise that which has become a habit with
     us. This time, however, there is added incentive for prompt and generots action of the highest
     call of humanity. It is this spirit in concert with the broad movement of mutual toleration and
     good will among all the people of the land that leads us to seek the assistance of all
     Delawareans." </p>
    <p>The day before the Wilmington campaign closed. Julius Rosenwald wired from Washington: "Few
     cities have demonstrated the American spirit in the sense that we are one people, as has
     Wilmington. May I presume to express the hope that every Jew in Delaware will recognize his
     obligation for the spirit of fellowship which has been so nobly evidenced by Christian
     fellow-citizens. If Wilmington succeeds in raising $100,000, it will be the greatest
     achievement of the entire Jewish war relief campaigns." Every day, for over a week, Mr.
     Rosenwald write expressions of appreciation to the chairman. Let me quote from one: "I have run
     out of adjectives, and will therefore not attempt to say how I feel towards the generous
     citizens of Wilmington. This campaign is an event in Jewish history, and the spirit manifested
     is one of the finest experiences in my life, if not the finest." </p>
    <p>Wilmington newspapers gave most liberally of their valuable space to make the campaign a
     success. Both Catholic and Protestant Episcopal bishops bestowed upon it an impressive
     indorsement. During the drive, meetings were continuously held and among the working daily
     attendants was John J. Raskob, the du Pont Company's treasurer, mailing on each occasion
     anonymous contributions of hundreds of dollars to stimulate the teams in their efforts. At one
     of the meetings Mr. Irenee du Pont quietly slipped a check for $1,000 into the hands of an
     inconspicuous worker.</p>
    <p>The grand total at the close of the campaign was announced as $148,000.</p>
    <p>Jews and non-Jews were interpreting humanity and Americanism as a personal, spiritual
     obligation. The mammoth collection was a symbol. Intrinsically splendid—but still, only a
     manifestation of what infinitely transcended.</p>
    <p>The brilliant success in Wilmington had its effect upon Jewry throughout the country. The
     cause that had seemed so hopeless, quickened with confidence and energy. Telegrams and letters,
     heralding the Wilmington marvel, were rushed to all pivotal points. We swept the country with
     our new conquering slogan: </p>
    <p>This Is Not Only a Jewish Movement—It Is a Human Movement!</p>
   </div1>




   <div1 type="story">
    <note type="editorial"> This is the last chapter in the book. Rosenfelt ends on a very
     optimistic note. This passage also displays the Zionist ideas also detailed in this book. It is
     probably important to note that Rosenfelt never mentions the non-Jewish people living in
     Palestine, which becomes a much larger issue in the coming decades. </note>
    <head>Chapter XXVIII "The Triumph of Faith"</head>
    <p>A word of summary and conclusion-The unity and charity of Israel-The touch of common danger
     made all kin-Faith casts the balance.</p>
    <p>AND so sixty-three million dollars were raised for the relief of the Jews of Central Europe
     and Palestine. To obtain this colossal sum from America's treasury of generosity; to devise the
     proper machinery which would economically gather this sum; to maintain checks and balances,
     assuring efficiency and integrity; to manage, control and direct a nationwide organization
     capable of functioning in fifteen hundred communities throughout the United States and Canada
     day in and day out for eight years and more; to supply our nine hundred thousand contributors
     in the three great campaigns with proper publicity and inspirational messages; to follow up
     collections everywhere, in order to minimize depreciations-all these things were a man's job.
     To this service our men and women have given the most steadfast courage and ripe intelligence.
     Whole-hearted co-operation has been given not by hundreds, but by thousands, and it was a
     service that in turn has evoked devotion, kindliness and tenderness in the men and women of
     America. The soul of Judaism received a grievous wound in Poland and the Ukraine, but it was
     the splendid men and women of America who staunched the flow sustaining and leading our
     stricken people to greater strength and greater life.</p>
    <p>We of the Relief have been proud of the privilege to aid in the creation of the vehicle which
     has effected this new spiritual cohesion. In unceasing difficulties our work has gone on until
     the task has been accomplished. There have always stood behind us America's great leaders
     supporting every step in the advance of our sacred cause. Our task and theirs has been to
     restore the body and spirit of the Jewish people, in the devastated areas. There continually
     recurs in my mind the picture of long lines of expectant chattering mites, receiving their
     daily bowl of thin, watery milk-without thought that even this inadequate nourishment must be
     supported by a slender chain of finance, the links of which are being continually forged in the
     villages, towns and cities of America. But thank God the chain held, and with increasing
     strength every day. And now if out of the welter of blood and misery in Europe happiness will
     someday come once more to the Jewish people, it will be chiefly because of the faithfulness and
     devotion of the men and women of America.</p>
    <p>The ancient heart of Israel still beats as one. From Morningside Heights to the Mount of
     Olives and from Canal Street to the uppermost corners of Russia, it extends the arms of eternal
     brotherhood. Democracy itself is exalted by the magnificent response of the Jews of America. Of
     historic value and spiritual significance beyond all other organized efforts to staunch the
     bleeding wounds inflicted by the war, it has given humanity a shining lesson. </p>
    <p>During the last New York campaign, many of these Jews walked across the Williamsburg Bridge,
     whipped by the icy wind in order that five cents more might be added to the fund. A number of
     the poor on the East Side took the money they had saved to buy coal and turned it over to be
     used among those whose needs were even greater than their own. Small wonder that tears welled
     in the eyes of Nathan J. Miller on one occasion, as he observed such masterpieces of
     self-sacrifice! </p>
    <p>Organized Jewish labor made itself the peer of the great millionaires by giving through the
     Peoples Relief Committee the major portions of their pay envelopes. Newsboys and messenger boys
     cheerfully added their meagre earnings to swell the total.</p>
    <p>Such has been the response of the poorest Jews to suffering, which, as A. E. Rothstein,
     Associate Secretary of the American Jewish Relief Committee said "touches the deepest recesses
     of the soul." </p>
    <p>The touch of common danger made all kin. In the pools of war-blood all Jewish hyphens have
     been washed away. Jews today are closer together than ever before. Louis Marshall and Judge
     Horace Stern are espousing a Jewish agency for Palestine. Samuel Untermyer is plead in the
     cause of Zionism. These examples could be repeated a thousandfold.</p>
    <p>We are no longer orthodox and reform, conservative and radical-all are becoming united, bound
     together by that ancient formula-"I am a Jew!" And for this we owe our brethren across the sea,
     an eternal obligation which outweighs our help to them, as fidelity to faith, casts the scales
     of Israel against even the gold of unselfish charity. </p>
   </div1>




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This Thing of Giving Henry H. Rosenfelt Transcription, Proofreading, and Encoding Duncan Rea Moore 2019 University of Nebraska-Lincoln Center for Digital Research in the Humanities
319 Love Library University of Nebraska–Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-4100 cdrh@unlnotes.unl.edu
Lincoln, Nebraska
University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-4100

Henry H. Rosenfelt This Thing of Giving 1924
1

Out of the darkest darkness, This Thing of Giving by Henry H. Rosenfelt emerges. In the shadow of the coming holocaust, Rosenfelt details the massive war relief and fundrasining effort by American Jews in response to World War I.

As Rosenfelt points out, around 75 percent of Jewish people globally lived in countries that were major battlegrounds of the war. Antisemitism was growing in Germany and Russia. The Jewish people living in Europe were in a very dangerous situation and needed help. Rosenfelt was part of a nationwide organization that raised around 63 million dollars to help, which was a massive fortune. The number is even more impressive when calculated for inflation into how much it would be worth today - nearing a billion dollars.

The horrible tragedy comes from the historical context. Rosenfelt frequently calls World War I the greatest threat the Jewish people had ever faced. Rosenfelt is wrong. A little more than a decade later Hitler’s Nazi Germany would come to power and comitt horrendous genodice against the Jewish people and many other minorities in Europe. What came in World War II made the first look small and forgotten.

But Rosenfelt’s book also serves as a reminder of what could be. How determined political organizing and fundraising can actually force change. The relief society banded together to engage a diverse community, Jews and non-Jews, to donate massive amounts of money. This book proves that the American public can work to be a force for good in the world. It absolutely hasn't always been that, especially when considering the lack of support for Jewish migration to America during Hitler’s rise, but it has the potential for good.

That is why this is an important book to remember in this modern political climate. Just recently President Trump moved to officially classify Judaism as a race and not a religion. ICE terrorizes people throughout the nation. Those are only a few examples out of many. The darkness is returning. Facisim stirs and it is ready to kill again. But at one point in time captains of Industry, factory workers, and small time shopkeepers came together to help people and welcome them to America. The end isn’t here, yet. America could still redeem itself. This book gives some hints at how to do it.

Below are a few selected passages for This Thing of Giving that best summarize Rosenfelt’s message.

Forword

IN telling the story of how sixty-three million dollars were raised in America to relieve the war-stricken Jews of Europe and Palestine, I have not tried to write a history. For the reader this means both a loss and a gain. He will miss the logical narrative, the suppression of detail, and the concentration on a few important figures that the convention of history-writing assures him. In history, as it is usually presented, the countless individuals who have played a part in bringing about a mass-action are, for the sake of simplicity and art, forgotten. A few leaders are allowed to enact in print the deeds of a whole population in reality, and bear off the honors for them. Events are simplified to conform to a neat time-schedule, only the more important appear, and they follow trimly one after another, so that the reader always knows just where he is, although seldom have the participants in the events or their contemporary observers had that good fortune.

In these pages, on the contrary, an effort will be made to give something of the actual pressure and multiplicity of the events themselves. Sixty-three million dollars were not raised by a few leaders, however important their services were, nor by a few big dramatic actions. Thousands of men and women contributed their energy, time, brains, and money to this common work. They must not be forgotten. The campaigns themselves were agonies of detail, overlapping, conflicting, sometimes dramatic and often doggedly commonplace. But even the least of these details had their place in reality and should have them in the record as far as possible. And only by allowing the events to repeat themselves somewhat in their original confusion may I hope to give the reader a faint echo of the rush of stirring times and noble deeds.

I feel I should apologize that at times either for lack of information or for fear of overburdening the book, I have been compelled to omit mention of men and women who served, so far as their capacities permitted, equally with a Jacob Schiff or a Julius Rosenwald. I have also been compelled much to my regret to neglect detailing local efforts in hundreds of small towns and villages which in their goodwill and greatness of heart deserved to rank with the story of the millions contributed by our metropolitan cities.

In the preparation of this book, I have received enthusiastic assistance from many friends whose helpful aid have illuminated many pages. My heartfelt gratitude goes to David N. Mosessohn, Marvin Lowenthal, Harry Schneiderman, Bernard A. Bergman, Elmore Leffingwell, Louis Popkin and Michael A. Stavitsky for their collaboration.

The story of Jewry's greatest drama is before you. May there never be occasion to write another like it.

HENRY H. ROSENFELT.

2 I chose this chapter as a good starting point. In addition to beginning the book Rosenfelt also details the state of play in America and abroad before the relief movement began. Every chapter also begins with a short synopsis from Rosenfelt. Chapter I "The Coming Storm"

Outbreak of World War finds American Jews unprepared-Little realization of Jewish situation in war zones-Three-quarters of the Jews of the world in belligerent countries-Majority inhabit the vast battle grounds of the war-Threatened extinction of economic and spiritual life-Jews of America equally unaware of their own potential resources-Palestine calls for help-The first American response.

IN those dim fabulous days when special editions poured forth hourly their tale of ultimatums, mobilizations, declarations of hostilities, and the fall of frontier fortresses, when the German army was to take Paris in one month and the Russian steam-roller to flatten out Germany in the next, when experts of all shades of expertness began to advise Americans on the history and politics of Europe, when, in short, the Great War began, the general attitude of American Jews toward their brothers in Europe was largely characterized by complacency. It was the long-rooted complacency of America toward Europe.

The great mass of European Jews has been for decades a people to be pitied, but their plight and problems were remote from American Jewish homes. If anything, they were looked upon as are all unfortunates, a trifle askance. Some of the mire in which they were plunged was felt, perhaps, to have clung to them. The immigrants from out this vast suffering unknown were, it is true, helped liberally. These same immigrants, once established here, were generous in sending assistance home. The Chalukah and National Fund boxes of Palestine were not totally strange to American money. And the Yiddish press was fluent, too, in discussing conditions in the various homelands. But the older generations of American Jews were untouched by these conditions and ignorant of the problems which they created.

One has only to recall how little we realized at the outbreak of the war, what the conflict would mean to the Jews of Europe, not only economically but spiritually spiritually and nationally. The Kishineff massacres of 1903 and the All-Russian massacres two years later had given us a foretaste of destruction; they had indeed, as was pointed out at the time by a Jewish weekly, "made American provincialism impossible." And out of this premonitory calamity had arisen the American Jewish Committee as the organized expression of American Jewish responsibility in the fate of World Jewry. The Balkan War in 1912 enforced the lesson of Kishineff, and drew from us what we thought, no doubt, were vast sums of relief-a million and a half dollars. But even with these warnings, how few among us could imagine the misery and horror that the Great War was to bring upon the Jews; and, even less, the responsibility and duty that were to be placed on our shoulders?

We knew, or could have known, had we taken the trouble to blow the dust off our copy of the American Jewish Year Book or the Jewish Encyclopedia, that three quarters of the Jews of the world inhabited the countries at war; but how little we knew that most of these Jews lived in what were to be the battlefields of the war and that the rest of them would be so burdened with helping carry on that they could render their needy little or no help.

We knew that millions of Jews lived in a territory called the Pale of Settlement, but how little we realized that this Pale, curving from the Baltic to the Black Sea, coincided with the line of frontiers and therefore exposed its inhabitants to the maddest fury of the conflict. We knew that two million Jews lived in Galicia but we could not foresee that its capital, Lemberg, would be taken and retaken a half dozen times before it would be ceded finally to an independent Poland. We knew that all these millions of Jews spoke Yiddish, that they constituted in manners, religion and aspiration a separate people, and that they were hated by the Russians and Poles and despised by the Germans; but we hardly realized that this distinction and obloquy would make the belligerents on either side treat them as a common enemy and double for them the horrors of war.

We could hardly realize that whereas other unfortunate peoples, such as the Belgians and the Serbs had one enemy before them, these millions of Jews had two-the one in front and the other behind. And we could as little realize that while other war sufferers would turn to their fellow-nationals for aid and moral support, the Jews could turn to no one but their brothers, far removed, in the West. We knew that the great masses of these Jews were small tradesmen and desperately poor; but we could not realize that the cruelest blows of modern warfare are reserved for these classes. We knew, finally, that the ravages of war would produce a need for bread, housing and clothes for Jewish refugees and inhabitants of the war-zones; but we did not know that the physical misery and destruction would be so great that the spiritual life of our people-and its instruments, the synagogues, schools, press, books, stage and cultural organizations-was to face extinction.

No doubt, specialists knew these things and some of our leaders were either keenly conscious of them or rapidly learning; but the shop keepers of Kansas or the manufactors of New Jersey, the plain American Jews, who were later to be organized into committees, crowded into mass-meetings, sent up and down the aisles with baskets, and to be solicited again and again, in their homes, behind their desks, and at theatre, golf-links and club-rooms-they were blandly unaware.

We were no less ignorant of ourselves. The flare of sacrifice and of unity that Kishineff had provoked was dying down. That it had not completely vanished and left the majority of American Jews to their customary diversions and self-pursuits was partly due, no doubt, to the Beilis affair. But in the Spring of 1914 it was beyond the power of imagination to conceive that in the next few years the Jews of America would, independent of sharing the burdens of war and assisting in general relief work, raise sixty-three million dollars for the Jewish sufferers of Europe; and that in the task they would forget all differences and self-interest and give of themselves, sometimes night and day months on end, and of their means, with a sense of sacrifice and devotion that is the essence of true religion.

The first substantial blow to this innocence came from Palestine. Although not a shot had been fired there, the war directly plunged the entire Jewish populace of the Holy Land into helpless want. The 15,000 colonists were cut off at a blow from their market and from the assistance of European Zionists or the ICA. The 60,000 “Chalukah” Jews were cut off with equal promptness from their main source of income—the alms and subventions granted them by the pious Jews of Eastern Europe. Less than a month after the outbreak of the war Henry Morgenthau, then Ambassador to Turkey, cabled the American Jewish Committee that "the Jews of Palestine were facing a terrible crisis" and that $50,000 were needed immediately.

Accordingly, at its meeting of August 31st, 1914, the Executive Committee of the American Jewish Committee took the first steps for the relief of war-stricken Jews. Herman Bernstein, then secretary of the Committee, relates how Jacob H. Schiff whispered to him as the members took their places and the telegram from Turkey was read, that the appeal must be answered at once and that he was prepared in case of delay, to give the entire sum himself. But there was no delay. The $50,000 was advanced on the spot; $25,000 voted by the Committee, $12,500 subscribed by the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, and the remaining $12,500 contributed by Mr. Schiff. The total sum was cabled immediately to Ambassador Morgenthau, and he in turn appointed a committee of Palestinians who administered the fund there under the direction of Maurice Wertheim of New York.

It was the first drop in the coming deluge.

3 In this chapter Rosenfelt describes the shift in the relief drive after the war ended. To counteract the loss in fundraising morale, Rosenfelt leads the charge in incorporating gentiles in the relief effort. This chapter is important because it shows a surprising amount of fundraising coming from outside the Jewish community. Chapter VIII "Launching the Non-Sectarian Drive"

Need for non-sectarian campaign-American generosity shows signs of exhaustion-Pestilence and starvation increase abroad-Traditions restraining Jews must go-Hesitation and opposition to new proposals-Risking a test in Delaware-Pierre du Pont sets an example-Magnificent achievement-The new con querying slogan.

PEACE finally came and brought with it the most inspiring chapter in the entire history of our work. Inspiring, not only because it brought millions of dollars to combat starvation and pestilence among the Jews in Europe, but because it touched the deepest well-springs in the history of Jewish service.

Up to this time, our appeals were directed exclusively to Jewish audiences. Many non-Jews, it is true, had subscribed liberally, but this was as a rule without solicitation and in most instances without even suggestion from our workers. We had been following the old tradition that "The Jew takes care of his own."

But in spite of the tradition, the Jews of America could hardly hope alone to "take care of three million of their brethren stricken in Europe-without aid from other sources. Two great national drives had already been successfully held. Responses, while generous to the extreme, were nevertheless inadequate to meet stupendous needs abroad. Heavy taxes, Liberty Bond drives, the call of other relief agencies, had tended to impress a passive attitude upon the part of even the most dependable of our previous subscribers.

The discovery of new sources of revenue became imperative-that the hunger of the starving might be appleased, that the epidemics of typhus and tuberculosis now rampant abroad be stamped out.

What was more natural than that we should address ourselves to the great body of American citizenship without regard to race, without regard to creed?

So long as the war had continued, any humanitarian movement arising out of it secured with little difficulty popular support; there was certain response to all patriotic endeavors. The aroused civilian public, unable to enlist in active martial service, had welcomed fund-raising campaigns with enthusiasm. City had vied with city and state with state. But now, with the coming of peace, a reaction was inevitable.

The labors of the Peace Conference, the uncertainty of the industrial situation, the removal of public pressure disintegrated the morale which had made earlier responses eager and spontaneous. The public began to show that it was over-saturated with the multitude of campaigns that continued to follow rapidly one upon another. The business man became less inclined to contribute, and the leading citizens who had put their vigor, their personality and their prestige behind the patriotic work, felt they were entitled to a respite, and turned back to their own individual problems. Many illustrations of this condition could be given. A number of national campaigns failed of their quotas. Even such a popular organization as the Salvation Army had to exert the most vigorous systematic pressure to reach its goal. Unmistakable hints of this condition were descending upon our office continually.

Yet in the face of the growing apathy we were confronted by an unparalleled, an inconceivable increase of the distress abroad.

It is impossible for me to portray what the lifting of the censor's veil now revealed to us. We saw our brothers and sisters and our stricken Jewish little ones in Poland, Galicia, Lithuania, and elsewhere, perishing of starvation and disease. During the war, shipments of food and clothing to non-combatants were very limited; but now we were permitted to send life-sustaining cargoes. We must press the most strenuous efforts to strengthen our activities and expand our resources.

It was obvious, in view of the changed situation, that we could not longer hope to raise funds by the methods that had served in the past. A thorough examination of the plan adopted by other national movements such as the Red Cross, the United War Work and the Near East Relief-convinced us that we must adopt a scientific and systematic technique.

It was some months before the actual coming of peace that we realized the condition which was approaching us, and first proposed a campaign on a non-sectarian American basis. At the outset, any consideration of a non-sectarian plan was opposed by many leaders in New York and elsewhere. One midnight I was awakened at my home by a long distance telephone call from a prominent member of the Committee, then in Pittsburgh to speak at the opening of the campaign. In no uncertain language he registered a vigorous protest against the appeal which, to use his own words, was “predicated upon false pretenses." Others wrote, or telegraphed, pointing out that we were doing an unprecedented and an unwise thing in going beyond our own people for help. They were sure that our non-sectarian appeal would even arouse resentment against the Jews through its proposal to add to the already oppresssive burdens under which the general community was staggering. Numerous, varied and insistent were the protests-and every argument was weighed. But I was not convinced. Always before me was the picture of our starving millions-millions in utter desolation pleading to America. How dare we turn from this greatest of tragedies? For common humanity's sake we must cut away from the old traditions, from the futile traditions. In my heart I was sure of my countrymen. American citizenship would not-could not-turn its back upon the stricken Jew.

And, ultimately, we decided to experiment. Our initial venture was in the City of Wilmington, Delaware. In April, 1918, I had my first conference with David Snellenburg, one of Delaware's leading Jews, the friend and coworker in his community of both Jews and Gentiles in every movement for human uplift and civic betterment. He agreed to sponsor our initial and tentative non-sectarian appeal. And the first thing he did was to enlist the help of Pierre du Pont.

We fixed our goal at seventy-five thousand dollars an amount immensely beyond any possibility of attainment by a response restricted to sectarian sources. The experiment was crucial, for upon the success or failure of Wilmington depended our future National policy, and indeed, as I realized, the very lives of hundreds of thousands.If our plans prospered they lived; if our hopes were defeated they died.

The opening dinner took place Saturday, May 10, 1918. David Snellenberg presided. Julius Rosenwald, in spite of arduous duties in Washington as Chairman of the National Defense Council, accepted an invitation to attend. Dr. Nathan Krass, our dependable orator, had come to make the appeal for funds. Other acceptances included Pierre du Pont, Irenee du Pont, Lamot du Pont, A. Felix du Pont, R. R. M. Carpenter, John J. Raskob, and other outstanding men of Wilmingtonton. The first speaker at the dinner was United States Senator Willard Saulsbury, and in his inspiring address he told of the support the Jews of Wilmington had given to the Red Cross and every other patriotic call that had been made. Dr. Krass who followed, struck the key-note when he declared:

This is not merely a Jewish movement, it is a human movement … The quota for Wilmington has been set at $75,000," continued the speaker, "It is now nine o'clock and my train for New York leaves at eleven, and before that time I earnestly hope the full amount will be subscribed.”

Pierre du Pont impulsively arose. “Mr. Snellenburg," he said, "has alluded to me as somewhat of an outsider, but I think I am as much entitled to be here as he is. I have a special reason for being here. I have one-eighth of Jewish blood in me-my grandfather having been a Jew-and I consider it my special duty, not merely privilege to join in the raising of these funds." The Mr. du Pont turned to Dr. Krass whom he had so gratifyingly interrupted, saying: "Dr. Krass, we would like to listen to your eloquence long after your train is due to leave, but, nevertheless, if you must go, let me assure you that Wilmington will raise—at least—the scheduled $75,000, for I will myself underwrite the campaign to that amount!"

Guests and workers cheered in spontaneous enthusiasm. Julius Rosenwald, visibly touched by the scene, expressed gratitude to Mr. du Pont, and voiced his confidence that the Jewish community, inspired by what had happened, would do their full share. Among those who attended this epoch-making dinner were: William Coyne, Mayor John W. Lawson, Louis Topkis, Rev. Charles L. Candee, John S. Rossell, Rev. Thomas P. Holloway, Joseph Bancroft, David T. Marvel, Charles Topkis, William Topkis, Morris Levy, William P. Bancroft, and Mathew Lalley, the campaign's resourceful director. At a mass meeting on the following Monday, Max D. Steuer and Mr. Rosenwald made impressive addresses. Thousands of volunteer subscriptions poured into Headquarters. Many doubled their initial subscriptions.

"The very air of Wilmington," said one of the city's newspapers, "is charged with a spirit of all-for-one. Wilmington feels exhilarated in the awakening of its civic solidarity, its unity and mutual appreciation. The Jews have learned to know their Gentile neighbors as they really are. Every man came forward quickly to do his share. True human values have been brought to light, binding and cementing men of all creeds and all circumstances in the service of a noble cause. Wilmington will never forget the deep and lasting inspiring event—the event of its history."

"I have caught a new vision," said Rev. Charles L. Candee, pastor of one of the leading churches of Wilmington. "I have caught a vision that I could not see several years ago; a vision of united effort obliterating racial and religious lines. Last year, when Dr. John R. Mott was in Wilmington after delivering an address before a group of citizens in behalf of the Young Men's Christian Association work, he received his first contribution, and it was very substantial, from no other man than David Snellenburg, which is but one of the many evidences of the generosity of our Jewish citizens, and the earnestness with which they enter upon works of charity."

Rev. Thomas P. Holloway stated: "No matter how much we give, we will not half reward the Jewish race for what they have given us." The Sunday Star declared editorially: "The dinner at the Hotel du Pont was a wonderful exposition of that new spirit of unanimity and brotherhood that permeates our country."

On his return to New York, Dr. Nathan Krass wrote a letter to David Snellenburg in which he said: "I shall always remember the Wilmington meeting. Never was there such a gathering of representative Gentiles at a Jewish function-and such splendid liberality!"

Among the many inspiring features of the Wilmington Campaign was the publication of a full-page advertisement over the signatures of William Coyne, Pierre S. du Pont, John J. Raskob and John S. Rossell. The statement bore the headline-"All-For-One And One-For-All!" It was addressed: "To Our Non-Jewish Fellow Citizens," and this was the message: "Participation in every humane cause without religious distinction is traditional among Delawareans, and theirs is a long record of splendid helpfulness in every movement for good. There is, therefore, presented to us another magnificent opportunity to exercise that which has become a habit with us. This time, however, there is added incentive for prompt and generots action of the highest call of humanity. It is this spirit in concert with the broad movement of mutual toleration and good will among all the people of the land that leads us to seek the assistance of all Delawareans."

The day before the Wilmington campaign closed. Julius Rosenwald wired from Washington: "Few cities have demonstrated the American spirit in the sense that we are one people, as has Wilmington. May I presume to express the hope that every Jew in Delaware will recognize his obligation for the spirit of fellowship which has been so nobly evidenced by Christian fellow-citizens. If Wilmington succeeds in raising $100,000, it will be the greatest achievement of the entire Jewish war relief campaigns." Every day, for over a week, Mr. Rosenwald write expressions of appreciation to the chairman. Let me quote from one: "I have run out of adjectives, and will therefore not attempt to say how I feel towards the generous citizens of Wilmington. This campaign is an event in Jewish history, and the spirit manifested is one of the finest experiences in my life, if not the finest."

Wilmington newspapers gave most liberally of their valuable space to make the campaign a success. Both Catholic and Protestant Episcopal bishops bestowed upon it an impressive indorsement. During the drive, meetings were continuously held and among the working daily attendants was John J. Raskob, the du Pont Company's treasurer, mailing on each occasion anonymous contributions of hundreds of dollars to stimulate the teams in their efforts. At one of the meetings Mr. Irenee du Pont quietly slipped a check for $1,000 into the hands of an inconspicuous worker.

The grand total at the close of the campaign was announced as $148,000.

Jews and non-Jews were interpreting humanity and Americanism as a personal, spiritual obligation. The mammoth collection was a symbol. Intrinsically splendid—but still, only a manifestation of what infinitely transcended.

The brilliant success in Wilmington had its effect upon Jewry throughout the country. The cause that had seemed so hopeless, quickened with confidence and energy. Telegrams and letters, heralding the Wilmington marvel, were rushed to all pivotal points. We swept the country with our new conquering slogan:

This Is Not Only a Jewish Movement—It Is a Human Movement!

4 This is the last chapter in the book. Rosenfelt ends on a very optimistic note. This passage also displays the Zionist ideas also detailed in this book. It is probably important to note that Rosenfelt never mentions the non-Jewish people living in Palestine, which becomes a much larger issue in the coming decades. Chapter XXVIII "The Triumph of Faith"

A word of summary and conclusion-The unity and charity of Israel-The touch of common danger made all kin-Faith casts the balance.

AND so sixty-three million dollars were raised for the relief of the Jews of Central Europe and Palestine. To obtain this colossal sum from America's treasury of generosity; to devise the proper machinery which would economically gather this sum; to maintain checks and balances, assuring efficiency and integrity; to manage, control and direct a nationwide organization capable of functioning in fifteen hundred communities throughout the United States and Canada day in and day out for eight years and more; to supply our nine hundred thousand contributors in the three great campaigns with proper publicity and inspirational messages; to follow up collections everywhere, in order to minimize depreciations-all these things were a man's job. To this service our men and women have given the most steadfast courage and ripe intelligence. Whole-hearted co-operation has been given not by hundreds, but by thousands, and it was a service that in turn has evoked devotion, kindliness and tenderness in the men and women of America. The soul of Judaism received a grievous wound in Poland and the Ukraine, but it was the splendid men and women of America who staunched the flow sustaining and leading our stricken people to greater strength and greater life.

We of the Relief have been proud of the privilege to aid in the creation of the vehicle which has effected this new spiritual cohesion. In unceasing difficulties our work has gone on until the task has been accomplished. There have always stood behind us America's great leaders supporting every step in the advance of our sacred cause. Our task and theirs has been to restore the body and spirit of the Jewish people, in the devastated areas. There continually recurs in my mind the picture of long lines of expectant chattering mites, receiving their daily bowl of thin, watery milk-without thought that even this inadequate nourishment must be supported by a slender chain of finance, the links of which are being continually forged in the villages, towns and cities of America. But thank God the chain held, and with increasing strength every day. And now if out of the welter of blood and misery in Europe happiness will someday come once more to the Jewish people, it will be chiefly because of the faithfulness and devotion of the men and women of America.

The ancient heart of Israel still beats as one. From Morningside Heights to the Mount of Olives and from Canal Street to the uppermost corners of Russia, it extends the arms of eternal brotherhood. Democracy itself is exalted by the magnificent response of the Jews of America. Of historic value and spiritual significance beyond all other organized efforts to staunch the bleeding wounds inflicted by the war, it has given humanity a shining lesson.

During the last New York campaign, many of these Jews walked across the Williamsburg Bridge, whipped by the icy wind in order that five cents more might be added to the fund. A number of the poor on the East Side took the money they had saved to buy coal and turned it over to be used among those whose needs were even greater than their own. Small wonder that tears welled in the eyes of Nathan J. Miller on one occasion, as he observed such masterpieces of self-sacrifice!

Organized Jewish labor made itself the peer of the great millionaires by giving through the Peoples Relief Committee the major portions of their pay envelopes. Newsboys and messenger boys cheerfully added their meagre earnings to swell the total.

Such has been the response of the poorest Jews to suffering, which, as A. E. Rothstein, Associate Secretary of the American Jewish Relief Committee said "touches the deepest recesses of the soul."

The touch of common danger made all kin. In the pools of war-blood all Jewish hyphens have been washed away. Jews today are closer together than ever before. Louis Marshall and Judge Horace Stern are espousing a Jewish agency for Palestine. Samuel Untermyer is plead in the cause of Zionism. These examples could be repeated a thousandfold.

We are no longer orthodox and reform, conservative and radical-all are becoming united, bound together by that ancient formula-"I am a Jew!" And for this we owe our brethren across the sea, an eternal obligation which outweighs our help to them, as fidelity to faith, casts the scales of Israel against even the gold of unselfish charity.

Toolbox

Themes:

This Thing of Giving Henry H. Rosenfelt Transcription, Proofreading, and Encoding Duncan Rea Moore 2019 University of Nebraska-Lincoln Center for Digital Research in the Humanities
319 Love Library University of Nebraska–Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-4100 cdrh@unlnotes.unl.edu
Lincoln, Nebraska
University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-4100

Henry H. Rosenfelt This Thing of Giving 1924

Out of the darkest darkness, This Thing of Giving by Henry H. Rosenfelt emerges. In the shadow of the coming holocaust, Rosenfelt details the massive war relief and fundrasining effort by American Jews in response to World War I.

As Rosenfelt points out, around 75 percent of Jewish people globally lived in countries that were major battlegrounds of the war. Antisemitism was growing in Germany and Russia. The Jewish people living in Europe were in a very dangerous situation and needed help. Rosenfelt was part of a nationwide organization that raised around 63 million dollars to help, which was a massive fortune. The number is even more impressive when calculated for inflation into how much it would be worth today - nearing a billion dollars.

The horrible tragedy comes from the historical context. Rosenfelt frequently calls World War I the greatest threat the Jewish people had ever faced. Rosenfelt is wrong. A little more than a decade later Hitler’s Nazi Germany would come to power and comitt horrendous genodice against the Jewish people and many other minorities in Europe. What came in World War II made the first look small and forgotten.

But Rosenfelt’s book also serves as a reminder of what could be. How determined political organizing and fundraising can actually force change. The relief society banded together to engage a diverse community, Jews and non-Jews, to donate massive amounts of money. This book proves that the American public can work to be a force for good in the world. It absolutely hasn't always been that, especially when considering the lack of support for Jewish migration to America during Hitler’s rise, but it has the potential for good.

That is why this is an important book to remember in this modern political climate. Just recently President Trump moved to officially classify Judaism as a race and not a religion. ICE terrorizes people throughout the nation. Those are only a few examples out of many. The darkness is returning. Facisim stirs and it is ready to kill again. But at one point in time captains of Industry, factory workers, and small time shopkeepers came together to help people and welcome them to America. The end isn’t here, yet. America could still redeem itself. This book gives some hints at how to do it.

Below are a few selected passages for This Thing of Giving that best summarize Rosenfelt’s message.

Forword

IN telling the story of how sixty-three million dollars were raised in America to relieve the war-stricken Jews of Europe and Palestine, I have not tried to write a history. For the reader this means both a loss and a gain. He will miss the logical narrative, the suppression of detail, and the concentration on a few important figures that the convention of history-writing assures him. In history, as it is usually presented, the countless individuals who have played a part in bringing about a mass-action are, for the sake of simplicity and art, forgotten. A few leaders are allowed to enact in print the deeds of a whole population in reality, and bear off the honors for them. Events are simplified to conform to a neat time-schedule, only the more important appear, and they follow trimly one after another, so that the reader always knows just where he is, although seldom have the participants in the events or their contemporary observers had that good fortune.

In these pages, on the contrary, an effort will be made to give something of the actual pressure and multiplicity of the events themselves. Sixty-three million dollars were not raised by a few leaders, however important their services were, nor by a few big dramatic actions. Thousands of men and women contributed their energy, time, brains, and money to this common work. They must not be forgotten. The campaigns themselves were agonies of detail, overlapping, conflicting, sometimes dramatic and often doggedly commonplace. But even the least of these details had their place in reality and should have them in the record as far as possible. And only by allowing the events to repeat themselves somewhat in their original confusion may I hope to give the reader a faint echo of the rush of stirring times and noble deeds.

I feel I should apologize that at times either for lack of information or for fear of overburdening the book, I have been compelled to omit mention of men and women who served, so far as their capacities permitted, equally with a Jacob Schiff or a Julius Rosenwald. I have also been compelled much to my regret to neglect detailing local efforts in hundreds of small towns and villages which in their goodwill and greatness of heart deserved to rank with the story of the millions contributed by our metropolitan cities.

In the preparation of this book, I have received enthusiastic assistance from many friends whose helpful aid have illuminated many pages. My heartfelt gratitude goes to David N. Mosessohn, Marvin Lowenthal, Harry Schneiderman, Bernard A. Bergman, Elmore Leffingwell, Louis Popkin and Michael A. Stavitsky for their collaboration.

The story of Jewry's greatest drama is before you. May there never be occasion to write another like it.

HENRY H. ROSENFELT.

I chose this chapter as a good starting point. In addition to beginning the book Rosenfelt also details the state of play in America and abroad before the relief movement began. Every chapter also begins with a short synopsis from Rosenfelt. Chapter I "The Coming Storm"

Outbreak of World War finds American Jews unprepared-Little realization of Jewish situation in war zones-Three-quarters of the Jews of the world in belligerent countries-Majority inhabit the vast battle grounds of the war-Threatened extinction of economic and spiritual life-Jews of America equally unaware of their own potential resources-Palestine calls for help-The first American response.

IN those dim fabulous days when special editions poured forth hourly their tale of ultimatums, mobilizations, declarations of hostilities, and the fall of frontier fortresses, when the German army was to take Paris in one month and the Russian steam-roller to flatten out Germany in the next, when experts of all shades of expertness began to advise Americans on the history and politics of Europe, when, in short, the Great War began, the general attitude of American Jews toward their brothers in Europe was largely characterized by complacency. It was the long-rooted complacency of America toward Europe.

The great mass of European Jews has been for decades a people to be pitied, but their plight and problems were remote from American Jewish homes. If anything, they were looked upon as are all unfortunates, a trifle askance. Some of the mire in which they were plunged was felt, perhaps, to have clung to them. The immigrants from out this vast suffering unknown were, it is true, helped liberally. These same immigrants, once established here, were generous in sending assistance home. The Chalukah and National Fund boxes of Palestine were not totally strange to American money. And the Yiddish press was fluent, too, in discussing conditions in the various homelands. But the older generations of American Jews were untouched by these conditions and ignorant of the problems which they created.

One has only to recall how little we realized at the outbreak of the war, what the conflict would mean to the Jews of Europe, not only economically but spiritually spiritually and nationally. The Kishineff massacres of 1903 and the All-Russian massacres two years later had given us a foretaste of destruction; they had indeed, as was pointed out at the time by a Jewish weekly, "made American provincialism impossible." And out of this premonitory calamity had arisen the American Jewish Committee as the organized expression of American Jewish responsibility in the fate of World Jewry. The Balkan War in 1912 enforced the lesson of Kishineff, and drew from us what we thought, no doubt, were vast sums of relief-a million and a half dollars. But even with these warnings, how few among us could imagine the misery and horror that the Great War was to bring upon the Jews; and, even less, the responsibility and duty that were to be placed on our shoulders?

We knew, or could have known, had we taken the trouble to blow the dust off our copy of the American Jewish Year Book or the Jewish Encyclopedia, that three quarters of the Jews of the world inhabited the countries at war; but how little we knew that most of these Jews lived in what were to be the battlefields of the war and that the rest of them would be so burdened with helping carry on that they could render their needy little or no help.

We knew that millions of Jews lived in a territory called the Pale of Settlement, but how little we realized that this Pale, curving from the Baltic to the Black Sea, coincided with the line of frontiers and therefore exposed its inhabitants to the maddest fury of the conflict. We knew that two million Jews lived in Galicia but we could not foresee that its capital, Lemberg, would be taken and retaken a half dozen times before it would be ceded finally to an independent Poland. We knew that all these millions of Jews spoke Yiddish, that they constituted in manners, religion and aspiration a separate people, and that they were hated by the Russians and Poles and despised by the Germans; but we hardly realized that this distinction and obloquy would make the belligerents on either side treat them as a common enemy and double for them the horrors of war.

We could hardly realize that whereas other unfortunate peoples, such as the Belgians and the Serbs had one enemy before them, these millions of Jews had two-the one in front and the other behind. And we could as little realize that while other war sufferers would turn to their fellow-nationals for aid and moral support, the Jews could turn to no one but their brothers, far removed, in the West. We knew that the great masses of these Jews were small tradesmen and desperately poor; but we could not realize that the cruelest blows of modern warfare are reserved for these classes. We knew, finally, that the ravages of war would produce a need for bread, housing and clothes for Jewish refugees and inhabitants of the war-zones; but we did not know that the physical misery and destruction would be so great that the spiritual life of our people-and its instruments, the synagogues, schools, press, books, stage and cultural organizations-was to face extinction.

No doubt, specialists knew these things and some of our leaders were either keenly conscious of them or rapidly learning; but the shop keepers of Kansas or the manufactors of New Jersey, the plain American Jews, who were later to be organized into committees, crowded into mass-meetings, sent up and down the aisles with baskets, and to be solicited again and again, in their homes, behind their desks, and at theatre, golf-links and club-rooms-they were blandly unaware.

We were no less ignorant of ourselves. The flare of sacrifice and of unity that Kishineff had provoked was dying down. That it had not completely vanished and left the majority of American Jews to their customary diversions and self-pursuits was partly due, no doubt, to the Beilis affair. But in the Spring of 1914 it was beyond the power of imagination to conceive that in the next few years the Jews of America would, independent of sharing the burdens of war and assisting in general relief work, raise sixty-three million dollars for the Jewish sufferers of Europe; and that in the task they would forget all differences and self-interest and give of themselves, sometimes night and day months on end, and of their means, with a sense of sacrifice and devotion that is the essence of true religion.

The first substantial blow to this innocence came from Palestine. Although not a shot had been fired there, the war directly plunged the entire Jewish populace of the Holy Land into helpless want. The 15,000 colonists were cut off at a blow from their market and from the assistance of European Zionists or the ICA. The 60,000 “Chalukah” Jews were cut off with equal promptness from their main source of income—the alms and subventions granted them by the pious Jews of Eastern Europe. Less than a month after the outbreak of the war Henry Morgenthau, then Ambassador to Turkey, cabled the American Jewish Committee that "the Jews of Palestine were facing a terrible crisis" and that $50,000 were needed immediately.

Accordingly, at its meeting of August 31st, 1914, the Executive Committee of the American Jewish Committee took the first steps for the relief of war-stricken Jews. Herman Bernstein, then secretary of the Committee, relates how Jacob H. Schiff whispered to him as the members took their places and the telegram from Turkey was read, that the appeal must be answered at once and that he was prepared in case of delay, to give the entire sum himself. But there was no delay. The $50,000 was advanced on the spot; $25,000 voted by the Committee, $12,500 subscribed by the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, and the remaining $12,500 contributed by Mr. Schiff. The total sum was cabled immediately to Ambassador Morgenthau, and he in turn appointed a committee of Palestinians who administered the fund there under the direction of Maurice Wertheim of New York.

It was the first drop in the coming deluge.

In this chapter Rosenfelt describes the shift in the relief drive after the war ended. To counteract the loss in fundraising morale, Rosenfelt leads the charge in incorporating gentiles in the relief effort. This chapter is important because it shows a surprising amount of fundraising coming from outside the Jewish community. Chapter VIII "Launching the Non-Sectarian Drive"

Need for non-sectarian campaign-American generosity shows signs of exhaustion-Pestilence and starvation increase abroad-Traditions restraining Jews must go-Hesitation and opposition to new proposals-Risking a test in Delaware-Pierre du Pont sets an example-Magnificent achievement-The new con querying slogan.

PEACE finally came and brought with it the most inspiring chapter in the entire history of our work. Inspiring, not only because it brought millions of dollars to combat starvation and pestilence among the Jews in Europe, but because it touched the deepest well-springs in the history of Jewish service.

Up to this time, our appeals were directed exclusively to Jewish audiences. Many non-Jews, it is true, had subscribed liberally, but this was as a rule without solicitation and in most instances without even suggestion from our workers. We had been following the old tradition that "The Jew takes care of his own."

But in spite of the tradition, the Jews of America could hardly hope alone to "take care of three million of their brethren stricken in Europe-without aid from other sources. Two great national drives had already been successfully held. Responses, while generous to the extreme, were nevertheless inadequate to meet stupendous needs abroad. Heavy taxes, Liberty Bond drives, the call of other relief agencies, had tended to impress a passive attitude upon the part of even the most dependable of our previous subscribers.

The discovery of new sources of revenue became imperative-that the hunger of the starving might be appleased, that the epidemics of typhus and tuberculosis now rampant abroad be stamped out.

What was more natural than that we should address ourselves to the great body of American citizenship without regard to race, without regard to creed?

So long as the war had continued, any humanitarian movement arising out of it secured with little difficulty popular support; there was certain response to all patriotic endeavors. The aroused civilian public, unable to enlist in active martial service, had welcomed fund-raising campaigns with enthusiasm. City had vied with city and state with state. But now, with the coming of peace, a reaction was inevitable.

The labors of the Peace Conference, the uncertainty of the industrial situation, the removal of public pressure disintegrated the morale which had made earlier responses eager and spontaneous. The public began to show that it was over-saturated with the multitude of campaigns that continued to follow rapidly one upon another. The business man became less inclined to contribute, and the leading citizens who had put their vigor, their personality and their prestige behind the patriotic work, felt they were entitled to a respite, and turned back to their own individual problems. Many illustrations of this condition could be given. A number of national campaigns failed of their quotas. Even such a popular organization as the Salvation Army had to exert the most vigorous systematic pressure to reach its goal. Unmistakable hints of this condition were descending upon our office continually.

Yet in the face of the growing apathy we were confronted by an unparalleled, an inconceivable increase of the distress abroad.

It is impossible for me to portray what the lifting of the censor's veil now revealed to us. We saw our brothers and sisters and our stricken Jewish little ones in Poland, Galicia, Lithuania, and elsewhere, perishing of starvation and disease. During the war, shipments of food and clothing to non-combatants were very limited; but now we were permitted to send life-sustaining cargoes. We must press the most strenuous efforts to strengthen our activities and expand our resources.

It was obvious, in view of the changed situation, that we could not longer hope to raise funds by the methods that had served in the past. A thorough examination of the plan adopted by other national movements such as the Red Cross, the United War Work and the Near East Relief-convinced us that we must adopt a scientific and systematic technique.

It was some months before the actual coming of peace that we realized the condition which was approaching us, and first proposed a campaign on a non-sectarian American basis. At the outset, any consideration of a non-sectarian plan was opposed by many leaders in New York and elsewhere. One midnight I was awakened at my home by a long distance telephone call from a prominent member of the Committee, then in Pittsburgh to speak at the opening of the campaign. In no uncertain language he registered a vigorous protest against the appeal which, to use his own words, was “predicated upon false pretenses." Others wrote, or telegraphed, pointing out that we were doing an unprecedented and an unwise thing in going beyond our own people for help. They were sure that our non-sectarian appeal would even arouse resentment against the Jews through its proposal to add to the already oppresssive burdens under which the general community was staggering. Numerous, varied and insistent were the protests-and every argument was weighed. But I was not convinced. Always before me was the picture of our starving millions-millions in utter desolation pleading to America. How dare we turn from this greatest of tragedies? For common humanity's sake we must cut away from the old traditions, from the futile traditions. In my heart I was sure of my countrymen. American citizenship would not-could not-turn its back upon the stricken Jew.

And, ultimately, we decided to experiment. Our initial venture was in the City of Wilmington, Delaware. In April, 1918, I had my first conference with David Snellenburg, one of Delaware's leading Jews, the friend and coworker in his community of both Jews and Gentiles in every movement for human uplift and civic betterment. He agreed to sponsor our initial and tentative non-sectarian appeal. And the first thing he did was to enlist the help of Pierre du Pont.

We fixed our goal at seventy-five thousand dollars an amount immensely beyond any possibility of attainment by a response restricted to sectarian sources. The experiment was crucial, for upon the success or failure of Wilmington depended our future National policy, and indeed, as I realized, the very lives of hundreds of thousands.If our plans prospered they lived; if our hopes were defeated they died.

The opening dinner took place Saturday, May 10, 1918. David Snellenberg presided. Julius Rosenwald, in spite of arduous duties in Washington as Chairman of the National Defense Council, accepted an invitation to attend. Dr. Nathan Krass, our dependable orator, had come to make the appeal for funds. Other acceptances included Pierre du Pont, Irenee du Pont, Lamot du Pont, A. Felix du Pont, R. R. M. Carpenter, John J. Raskob, and other outstanding men of Wilmingtonton. The first speaker at the dinner was United States Senator Willard Saulsbury, and in his inspiring address he told of the support the Jews of Wilmington had given to the Red Cross and every other patriotic call that had been made. Dr. Krass who followed, struck the key-note when he declared:

This is not merely a Jewish movement, it is a human movement … The quota for Wilmington has been set at $75,000," continued the speaker, "It is now nine o'clock and my train for New York leaves at eleven, and before that time I earnestly hope the full amount will be subscribed.”

Pierre du Pont impulsively arose. “Mr. Snellenburg," he said, "has alluded to me as somewhat of an outsider, but I think I am as much entitled to be here as he is. I have a special reason for being here. I have one-eighth of Jewish blood in me-my grandfather having been a Jew-and I consider it my special duty, not merely privilege to join in the raising of these funds." The Mr. du Pont turned to Dr. Krass whom he had so gratifyingly interrupted, saying: "Dr. Krass, we would like to listen to your eloquence long after your train is due to leave, but, nevertheless, if you must go, let me assure you that Wilmington will raise—at least—the scheduled $75,000, for I will myself underwrite the campaign to that amount!"

Guests and workers cheered in spontaneous enthusiasm. Julius Rosenwald, visibly touched by the scene, expressed gratitude to Mr. du Pont, and voiced his confidence that the Jewish community, inspired by what had happened, would do their full share. Among those who attended this epoch-making dinner were: William Coyne, Mayor John W. Lawson, Louis Topkis, Rev. Charles L. Candee, John S. Rossell, Rev. Thomas P. Holloway, Joseph Bancroft, David T. Marvel, Charles Topkis, William Topkis, Morris Levy, William P. Bancroft, and Mathew Lalley, the campaign's resourceful director. At a mass meeting on the following Monday, Max D. Steuer and Mr. Rosenwald made impressive addresses. Thousands of volunteer subscriptions poured into Headquarters. Many doubled their initial subscriptions.

"The very air of Wilmington," said one of the city's newspapers, "is charged with a spirit of all-for-one. Wilmington feels exhilarated in the awakening of its civic solidarity, its unity and mutual appreciation. The Jews have learned to know their Gentile neighbors as they really are. Every man came forward quickly to do his share. True human values have been brought to light, binding and cementing men of all creeds and all circumstances in the service of a noble cause. Wilmington will never forget the deep and lasting inspiring event—the event of its history."

"I have caught a new vision," said Rev. Charles L. Candee, pastor of one of the leading churches of Wilmington. "I have caught a vision that I could not see several years ago; a vision of united effort obliterating racial and religious lines. Last year, when Dr. John R. Mott was in Wilmington after delivering an address before a group of citizens in behalf of the Young Men's Christian Association work, he received his first contribution, and it was very substantial, from no other man than David Snellenburg, which is but one of the many evidences of the generosity of our Jewish citizens, and the earnestness with which they enter upon works of charity."

Rev. Thomas P. Holloway stated: "No matter how much we give, we will not half reward the Jewish race for what they have given us." The Sunday Star declared editorially: "The dinner at the Hotel du Pont was a wonderful exposition of that new spirit of unanimity and brotherhood that permeates our country."

On his return to New York, Dr. Nathan Krass wrote a letter to David Snellenburg in which he said: "I shall always remember the Wilmington meeting. Never was there such a gathering of representative Gentiles at a Jewish function-and such splendid liberality!"

Among the many inspiring features of the Wilmington Campaign was the publication of a full-page advertisement over the signatures of William Coyne, Pierre S. du Pont, John J. Raskob and John S. Rossell. The statement bore the headline-"All-For-One And One-For-All!" It was addressed: "To Our Non-Jewish Fellow Citizens," and this was the message: "Participation in every humane cause without religious distinction is traditional among Delawareans, and theirs is a long record of splendid helpfulness in every movement for good. There is, therefore, presented to us another magnificent opportunity to exercise that which has become a habit with us. This time, however, there is added incentive for prompt and generots action of the highest call of humanity. It is this spirit in concert with the broad movement of mutual toleration and good will among all the people of the land that leads us to seek the assistance of all Delawareans."

The day before the Wilmington campaign closed. Julius Rosenwald wired from Washington: "Few cities have demonstrated the American spirit in the sense that we are one people, as has Wilmington. May I presume to express the hope that every Jew in Delaware will recognize his obligation for the spirit of fellowship which has been so nobly evidenced by Christian fellow-citizens. If Wilmington succeeds in raising $100,000, it will be the greatest achievement of the entire Jewish war relief campaigns." Every day, for over a week, Mr. Rosenwald write expressions of appreciation to the chairman. Let me quote from one: "I have run out of adjectives, and will therefore not attempt to say how I feel towards the generous citizens of Wilmington. This campaign is an event in Jewish history, and the spirit manifested is one of the finest experiences in my life, if not the finest."

Wilmington newspapers gave most liberally of their valuable space to make the campaign a success. Both Catholic and Protestant Episcopal bishops bestowed upon it an impressive indorsement. During the drive, meetings were continuously held and among the working daily attendants was John J. Raskob, the du Pont Company's treasurer, mailing on each occasion anonymous contributions of hundreds of dollars to stimulate the teams in their efforts. At one of the meetings Mr. Irenee du Pont quietly slipped a check for $1,000 into the hands of an inconspicuous worker.

The grand total at the close of the campaign was announced as $148,000.

Jews and non-Jews were interpreting humanity and Americanism as a personal, spiritual obligation. The mammoth collection was a symbol. Intrinsically splendid—but still, only a manifestation of what infinitely transcended.

The brilliant success in Wilmington had its effect upon Jewry throughout the country. The cause that had seemed so hopeless, quickened with confidence and energy. Telegrams and letters, heralding the Wilmington marvel, were rushed to all pivotal points. We swept the country with our new conquering slogan:

This Is Not Only a Jewish Movement—It Is a Human Movement!

This is the last chapter in the book. Rosenfelt ends on a very optimistic note. This passage also displays the Zionist ideas also detailed in this book. It is probably important to note that Rosenfelt never mentions the non-Jewish people living in Palestine, which becomes a much larger issue in the coming decades. Chapter XXVIII "The Triumph of Faith"

A word of summary and conclusion-The unity and charity of Israel-The touch of common danger made all kin-Faith casts the balance.

AND so sixty-three million dollars were raised for the relief of the Jews of Central Europe and Palestine. To obtain this colossal sum from America's treasury of generosity; to devise the proper machinery which would economically gather this sum; to maintain checks and balances, assuring efficiency and integrity; to manage, control and direct a nationwide organization capable of functioning in fifteen hundred communities throughout the United States and Canada day in and day out for eight years and more; to supply our nine hundred thousand contributors in the three great campaigns with proper publicity and inspirational messages; to follow up collections everywhere, in order to minimize depreciations-all these things were a man's job. To this service our men and women have given the most steadfast courage and ripe intelligence. Whole-hearted co-operation has been given not by hundreds, but by thousands, and it was a service that in turn has evoked devotion, kindliness and tenderness in the men and women of America. The soul of Judaism received a grievous wound in Poland and the Ukraine, but it was the splendid men and women of America who staunched the flow sustaining and leading our stricken people to greater strength and greater life.

We of the Relief have been proud of the privilege to aid in the creation of the vehicle which has effected this new spiritual cohesion. In unceasing difficulties our work has gone on until the task has been accomplished. There have always stood behind us America's great leaders supporting every step in the advance of our sacred cause. Our task and theirs has been to restore the body and spirit of the Jewish people, in the devastated areas. There continually recurs in my mind the picture of long lines of expectant chattering mites, receiving their daily bowl of thin, watery milk-without thought that even this inadequate nourishment must be supported by a slender chain of finance, the links of which are being continually forged in the villages, towns and cities of America. But thank God the chain held, and with increasing strength every day. And now if out of the welter of blood and misery in Europe happiness will someday come once more to the Jewish people, it will be chiefly because of the faithfulness and devotion of the men and women of America.

The ancient heart of Israel still beats as one. From Morningside Heights to the Mount of Olives and from Canal Street to the uppermost corners of Russia, it extends the arms of eternal brotherhood. Democracy itself is exalted by the magnificent response of the Jews of America. Of historic value and spiritual significance beyond all other organized efforts to staunch the bleeding wounds inflicted by the war, it has given humanity a shining lesson.

During the last New York campaign, many of these Jews walked across the Williamsburg Bridge, whipped by the icy wind in order that five cents more might be added to the fund. A number of the poor on the East Side took the money they had saved to buy coal and turned it over to be used among those whose needs were even greater than their own. Small wonder that tears welled in the eyes of Nathan J. Miller on one occasion, as he observed such masterpieces of self-sacrifice!

Organized Jewish labor made itself the peer of the great millionaires by giving through the Peoples Relief Committee the major portions of their pay envelopes. Newsboys and messenger boys cheerfully added their meagre earnings to swell the total.

Such has been the response of the poorest Jews to suffering, which, as A. E. Rothstein, Associate Secretary of the American Jewish Relief Committee said "touches the deepest recesses of the soul."

The touch of common danger made all kin. In the pools of war-blood all Jewish hyphens have been washed away. Jews today are closer together than ever before. Louis Marshall and Judge Horace Stern are espousing a Jewish agency for Palestine. Samuel Untermyer is plead in the cause of Zionism. These examples could be repeated a thousandfold.

We are no longer orthodox and reform, conservative and radical-all are becoming united, bound together by that ancient formula-"I am a Jew!" And for this we owe our brethren across the sea, an eternal obligation which outweighs our help to them, as fidelity to faith, casts the scales of Israel against even the gold of unselfish charity.